Much less then, it is said, can the imperial parliament be bound by the Act of Union to pay those charitable grants, which were before discretionary with the Irish parliament. In point of fact, however, an annual parliamentary grant has been made to Maynooth College ever since its establishment. The amount of this grant has varied often from year to year. At the last session of Parliament, Sir Robert Peel proposed a "liberal increase in the grant to this college, unaccompanied by any restrictions or regulations as to religious doctrines, which would diminish its grace and favor;" and also that this grant should be made permanent by a bill of Parliament, and not subjected to inquiry and discretion every year. In other words, he proposed that Maynooth College should be hereafter an adopted child of the British government.

This measure met with strong opposition from various quarters. The friends of a church establishment opposed it as tending to undermine that religion which the government is solemnly pledged to support. Dissenters opposed it, because it will be in principle another establishment. They also "merge their dissent in their Protestantism;" and join with churchmen in resisting an attempt to give the sanction of a Protestant government to a system at war with it, both as Protestant and as a government. A great Protestant meeting was held at Exeter Hall, on Wednesday morning, June 4th, 1845, for the adoption of a pe

The following is an "account of the annual parliamentary grants to the Roman Catholic college of Maynooth:"-1796, £7759, 2s. 1d.; 1797, £6790; 1798, £9700; 1799, £9993; 1800, £4093, 10s.; 1801, £5820; 1802, £7760. The latter sum was annually voted till 1808, when £12,610, being £4850 extra, were given, to enable the trustees to erect buildings capable of containing fifty additional students. In 1809 it was reduced to £8973, which sum was continued till 1813, when it was increased to £9673, which grant has been annually repeated since that time.

tition to the Queen against the permanent and increased endowment of the Roman Catholic college of Maynooth. At this meeting addresses were made by clergymen of various evangelical denominations, some of which have been published as tracts by the Anti-Maynooth Committee. The speech of Rev. Dr. Cumming, of the church of Scotland, is worthy of being republished in this country.

Though the personal influence of the premier secured the passage of the bill by a large majority, yet we do not consider the question as at rest. The agitation has already produced immense good.

1. The bare discussion affords a fine illustration of the freedom of speech and of the press in Great Britain. Our half fledged orators often declaim about this liberty as the peculiar glory of the United States. There is as much personal liberty in England as in our own country. The British government is becoming virtually a popular government. It dares not disregard the popular will.

2. This discussion has elicited much valuable information respecting Romanism, its nature and its designs. A very able document, entitled "A statement of facts respecting the instruction given to the students for the Romish priesthood, in the Royal College of St. Patrick, Maynooth," has been published by the Rev. A. S. Thelwall, M. A., of Trinity College, Cambridge, and addressed to the House of Lords. It is shown that the text-books used in the college are such as Delahogue, Bailly and Cabassutius, and that their standard authorities are Collet, Antoine, Keiffensteul, Maldenatus, Bellarmine, and the Secunda Secunda of Thomas Aquinas. These books inculcate the doctrine that no faith is to be kept with heretics, (i. e. Protestants,) but that they may law.

fully be put to death. And this is the doctrine in which Protestant England would educate her Roman Catholic subjects!

3. This proposal of Sir Robert Peel discloses the secret relations of the British government to the papacy. It is a sop thrown to Cerberus. It is designed to stop the braying of O'Connell, though it has called forth, as Lord Brougham says, "the bray of Exeter Hall." That tide of popular commotion in Ireland, which recently threatened to overwhelm the throne, has subsided as if by magic. The Pope has stretched out his wand and stilled the waves. In return the tiara must be guarded by the British lion, and the Roman Catholics of Ireland, though they have no greater political privileges, must have some valuable concessions to their faith.

4. This measure illustrates the folly of depending upon civil government for the support of religion. The Roman Catholics demand that the religion of the majority shall be the established religion of Ireland. There is reason in this demand. The Maynooth grant, in one view, was an act of justice to Ireland, so heavily taxed to support another religion. The friends of an establishment meet this argument, indeed, by showing that the Roman Catholic religion is not only a system of error, but is inimical in its spirit and

tendencies to the civil constitution. But it can be fully met only by disclaiming the alliance between church and state. The Maynooth question is somewhat analogous to the school question in this country; though in the one case public funds are called for to teach Romanism, while in the other it is only demanded that Roman Catholics, having a like interest in the school fund with Protestants, shall not be obliged to read the text book of Protestants. Both questions naturally suggest a third, viz. Whether the state must not eventually be divorced from all systems of education, as well as from all systems of religion. The measure of Sir Robert Peel must hasten the downfall of church establishments in Great Britain.

5. The Protestant spirit of Great Britain has been aroused by this measure. From the days of Elizabeth, England has always been prosperous at home and abroad, under a Protestant administration, and the reverse, under the reign of a Catholic sovereign. Protestantism is her "polar star." May it never grow dim. This measure has united Protestants throughout the realm. It has led proximately, to the formation of an evangelical alliance, the counterpart of the Christian Alliance in this country, and like it destined to do great things for religious freedom and evangelical faith.

SINCE the commencement of this volume, events of great national importance have transpired. That which has justly excited the profoundest interest, is the annexation of Texas to this country, and its admission into the Union and sisterhood of states. This measure was strenuously opposed by several portions of the people, from different mo

tives, and with various degrees of intensity. The honest opponents of slavery as an unjust and unchristian institution, contemplated the measure with unmixed abhorrence, as likely to give a new impulse to the domestic slave trade, and to perpetuate the existence of slavery and slave breeding in the old states. And they could not but regard it

with still stronger aversion on account of the provision in the constitution of Texas, which establishes slavery as a perpetual institution. Others united with them in opposition to the measure from considerations of mere policy-from the force of sectional feeling and interestfrom the apprehension of giving over to the slave states the political power of the country, and thereby sacrificing the American system. Men of this stamp, who act from the sole impulse of expediency, could not be trusted, as the result proves, but were drawn in, in several instances, to support the measure, contrary to their previous professions and to the evident interests of the free states which they represented in Congress. The die is cast. The deed is done. Texas is now a constituent part of our republic, and entitled as such to our sympathies and fraternal regard, equally with every other state of the confederacy. What we can best do to avert the evils of the union, ought now to be done. What is this? Give to Texas the religious and educational institutions of New England. Establish in all her principal towns, and send through all her settlements, the American home missionary. Plant churches uncontaminated by slavery. Establish at some central point a college, with a well qualified faculty, and under Puritan influence. These measures may be unpopular with the mass of the people-unpopular at first-but they will finally triumph, and renovate the land. We would most earnestly urge this system of operations upon the attention of theological students, of the churches, and of that large class of intelligent and influential men, on whose combined influence the execution of the project depends.

The annexation of Texas should also be met with more vigorous efforts to shape public sentiment in opposition to the inter-state slave trade. This traffick is a part of the

commerce of the country, which in the opinion of Daniel Webster and our best constitutional lawyers, it is within the power of Congress to prohibit. This very power has already been exercised by the prohibition of the foreign slave trade. The moment this commerce is broken up, slavery will cease to be profitable to every class of citizens in Virginia, Kentucky, and several other states; and then its end will come.

We can not dismiss this subject without remarking on the annexa. tion of Texas as an index of the future policy of the United States. The idea of limiting the jurisdiction of the nation to a smaller territory than the whole of North America, is now abandoned, perhaps forever. In the course of difficulties which will be likely to arise between us and our neighbors, one accession of territory after another will be sought, or voluntary unions be formed, until probably the United States will embrace all that lies north of the isthmus of Darien. What will be the effect of this enlargement of our boundaries, it is impossible to predict with certainty. Weakness is the natural effect. But such is the rapidity with which steamboats and railroads are bringing the most remote points into proximity, that this immense country may be easily subjected to the control of a central government. A confederation of states, independent of each other for all the purposes of internal government, and united for the promotion of their common interests, seems to us the best method of compacting and binding together the whole people in one harmonious body. And we are free to confess that if such a consummation could be brought to pass, without national dishonor, without public crime, we should regard it with the highest satisfaction. It would at once extend religious freedom to every part of North America, and give a predominant influence to the Protestant cause.

But we do not undertake to indicate even the probable results of our national policy. The enlargement of our territory may lead to Indian and servile wars-to heavy burdens -to discontent-to a dissolution of the Union. We certainly anticipate these as possible evils-yet whatever may be the particular results, the doctrine of Providence teaches us to anticipate a good sufficient to justify infinite wisdom and benevolence in permitting an event which we considered it our duty to resist.

The Oregon question still continues to excite anxiety. The recommendation of President Polk to give notice to the British government of the termination at the end of one year of the joint occupancy of Ore gon, together with certain warlike speeches in the halls of Congress, has created some alarm, lest we should become involved in a war with Great Britain. Few calamities could be greater, and few crimes more atrocious. The event would convulse the civilized world with astonishment and indignation. Yet there are men who would not scruple for mercenary considerations to plunge the two nations into this horrid conflict-men in office who pant

after the patronage which such a struggle would place at their disposal-men of desperate fortunes who have no hope of retrieving their condition except in the hazards of war. A false standard of honor comes in to further the views of these unprincipled men.

It is held to be dishon

orable for a nation to yield her rights rather than contend for them at the cannon's mouth, with the certain prospect of sacrificing millions of property and thousands of lives! This false sense of honor has drawn many a nation into a doubtful conflict on the field of carnage, rather than surrender a worthless acre. It may precipitate us into the same madness. But such is the wisdom of England, such her sense of true national honor, and such the peaceful views of the mass of our own countrymen, that we entertain no serious apprehensions of a disturbance of our present relations of peace and unity. What astonishing infatuation it would disclose in this nation, if we should voluntarily expose all our maritime cities to bombardment, our commerce to destruction and our southern states to a general slave insurrection-for what? for hunting grounds-for Oregon!

should be published to their prejudice without evidence; nothing should be set down in malice-nothing in levity. Nor should any indefinite charges or insinuations be thrown out-or any allegations made which can not be distinctly met, and if erroneous, be refuted by an appeal to facts. By reference to our article, it will be seen to be as a whole an able vindication of the rights of seamen; and the two or three pages in which the New York Home is noticed, contain only definite statements, which, if incorrect, can easily

be exposed. And in this case, as in every similar case, a correction of misapprehensions, serves to place the society which has suffered them on the best possible terms with the public.

CORRECTION.

An article appeared in the last number of the New Englander, containing strictures on the management of the Sailor's Home in New York. Had the writer consulted either the officers or the books of the American Seamen's Friend Society -both of which were very accessiblehe would not have made the injurious statements which I beg leave to correct.

Had he gone to the proper sources of information he would have learned that of the $9547 82, alleged to be the expenses of the Home for the year ending May, 1844, the sum of $1752 was in payment of debts which accrued the previous year; the sum of $1582 92 was for interest on debts created in erecting the Home, and for printing, joiner's work, and permanent fixtures; and that the sum of $7894 was due the Home that year from sailors who went to sea unable to pay their bills. He would have seen that nearly one half of the last named sum was as true a charity to the destitute as any good Samaritan ever administered; and that could the whole of this have been collected, the Home would not only have met its expenses, but made a clear gain of $1681 10. Had the writer made similar deductions from the $7422 28, set forth as expenses of the Home for the year ending May, 1845, and placed opposite the dues of sailors for the same period, he would have reached a similar result. For let it not be forgotten, that notwithstanding the low charges at the Home, the outstanding debts would cover all its expenses and yield a handsome profit.

But may not these outstanding debts be avoided? Yes, in two ways. When the poor shipwrecked or landwrecked sailor knocks at the Home for admittance on the cold stormy night, as kindly as possible tell him, or send a servant to shew him, that he will find a very good home some where else. Or adopt a system of exaction so rigid as to repel from the Home the very men whose social and moral improvement it was mainly designed to promote. It is not difficult to shut down the gate so close that not a single drop will leak out; and let both the priest and the Levite pass the channel below dry-shod; but humanity would weep over

the act, and the great object of the Sailor's Home be lost!

The gentlemen composing the Board of Trustees, several of whom are practical merchants and shipmasters, and other gentlemen who have most liberally aided the Home, (including six Marine Insurance companies, which gave last year $2250)-the gentlemen who have most carefully studied this matter, are confirmed in the opinion that a narrower policy would be suicide. In the mean time the Board are fully aware of their responsibility as the almoners of the bounty of the Christian public, and feel the necessity of a rigid economy of the means committed to their trust; so to use them as to accomplish the greatest possible amount of good both at home and abroad.

But has not an individual offered to take the Home on his own responsibility, extend charity to all the worthy destitute, and pay the Society a rent of $1000? True, but the Board has not forgotten that the same individual had charge of the Home the first six months after it was opened, and that during that time, as appears from the books and his own written statements, the house run in debt $4999 30; to meet which there was cash in hand $171 64, some $40-50 worth of stores, and bills against seamen for board amounting to $5240. Of these bills there remained unpaid on the 1st of May, 1845, $3642 55; leaving a deficit of $3180 21!

It is proper to add that in the same ratio with the social and moral improvement of seamen, the Sailor's Home is fast approximating a self-supporting institution. We might speak of the superior qualifications of its present superintendent; of the pecuniary sacrifices he made in relinquishing a lucrative business to assume responsibilities and cares, and perform duties, which will not be fully rewarded till a future day. We might speak of the number of temperance reforms; of the money, and character, and comfort saved; and of the conversions to God under the influence of the Sailor's Home. Perhaps we might be tempted to adopt the language of the writer of the article which has called for this correction, and say, "the Home has done as much as all other institutions together to raise the sailor in his own estimation and that of the public." Ample reward for all the time and money expended.

But the duty for which the pen was taken accomplished, the cause of the sailor is commended to the sympathy, prayers and aid of the good, and the blessing of God. J. SPAULDING,

Sec. Am. Sea. Friend Society.