This is what they are perpetually inftilling into the people, as the undoubted principle, by which the present ministry and a great majority in parliament do at this time proceed. This is what they accufe the clergy of delivering from the pulpits, and of preaching up as a doctrine abfolutely neceffary to falvation. And whoever affirms in general, that paffive obedience is due to the fupreme power, he is prefently loaded by our candid adverfaries with fuch confequences as thefe. Let us therefore fee what this doctrine is, when ftript of fuch mifreprefentations, by defcribing it as really taught and practifed by the Tories; and then it will appear what grounds our adverfaries have to accufe us upon this article.

Paffive obedience, as profeffed and practifed by the TORIE S.

THEY think that in every government, whether monarchy or republic, there is placed a fupreme, abfolute, unlimited power, to which paffive obedience is due. That where-ever is intrufted the power of making laws, that power is without all bounds; can repeal, or enact at pleasure whatever laws it thinks fit; and justly demand univerfal obedience and non-refiftance. That among us, as every body knows, this power is lodged in the King or Queen, together with the Lords and Commons of the kingdom; and therefore all decrees whatfoever, made by that power, are to be actively or paffively obeyed. That the adminiftration, or executive part of this power is in England folely intrufted with the prince, who in adminiftering thofe laws ought to be no more refifted than the legislative power itfelf. But they do not conceive the fame abfolute passive obedience to be due to a limited prince's commands, when they are directly contrary to the laws he hath confented to, and fworn to maintain. The crown may be fued, as well as a private perfon; and if an arbitrary king of England. fhould fend his officers to feize my lands or goods against law, I can lawfully refift them. The minifters, by whom he acts, are liable to profecution and impeachment, although his own perfon be facred. But if he interpofe his royal authority to fupport their infolence, I fee no remedy,

305 until it grows a general grievance, or until the body of the people have reafon to apprehend it will be fo; after which it becomes a cafe of neceffity, and then I fuppofe a free people may affert their own rights, yet without any violation to the perfon or lawful power of the prince. But although the Tories allow all this, and did juftify it by the fhare they had in the revolution; yet they fee no reafon for entering into fo ungrateful a fubject, or raifing controverfies upon it, as if we were in daily apprehenfions of ty ranny under the reign of fo excellent a princefs, and while we have fo many laws of late years made to limit the prerogative; when, according to thofe who know our conftitu. tion beft, things rather feem to lean to the other extreme, which is equally to be avoided. As to the fucceffion; the Tories think an hereditary right to be the best in its own nature, and most agreeable to our old conftitution; yet at the fame time they allow it to be defeasible by act of parliament; and fo is magna charta too, if the legiflature think fit: which is a truth fo manifeft, that no man who understands the nature of government, can be in doubt concerning it.

These I take to be the fentiments of a great majority among the Tories with refpect to paffive obedience: and if the Whigs infift, from the writings or common talk of warm and ignorant men, to form a judgment of the whole body, according to the first account I have here given; I will engage to produce as many of their fide, who are utterly against pafive obedience even to the legiflature; who will affert the laft refort of power to be in the peo-. ple against those whom they have chofen and trufled as their reprefentatives, with the prince at the head; and who will put wild improbable cafes to fhew the reafonableness and neceffity of refifting the legislative power in fuch imaginary junctures. Than which however nothing can be more idle; for I dare undertake in any system of government, either fpeculative or practic, that was ever yet in the world, from Plato's republic to Harrington's Oceana, to put fuch difficulties as cannot be anfwered.

All the other calumnies raifed by the Whigs may be as eafily wiped off; and I have charity to with they could as VOL. II.

C c

fully

fully answer the juft accufations we have against them. Dodwell, Hickes, and Leflie are gravely quoted to prove, that the Tories defign to bring in the pretender; and if I fhould quote them to prove that the fame thing is intended by the Whigs, it would be full as reasonable; fince I am fure they have at least as much to do with Nonjurors as we. But our objections against the Whigs are built upon their conftant practice for many years, whereof I have produced an hundred instances, against any single one of which no answer hath yet been attempted, although I have been curious enough to look into all the papers I could meet with, that are written against the Examiner; fuch a tak as, I hope, no man thinks I would undergo for any other end but that of finding an opportunity to own and rectify my mistakes; as I would be ready to do upon the call of the meaneft adverfary. Upon which occafion I shall take leave to add a few words.

I flattered myself last Thursday, from the nature of my fubject, and the inoffenfive manner I handled it, that I should have one week's refpite from those merciless pens, whofe feverity will fome time break my heart: but I am deceived, and find them more violent than ever. They charge me with two lies and a blunder. The first lie is a truth, that Guifcard was invited over; but it is of no confequence. I do not tax it as a fault; fuch fort of men have often been serviceable: I only blamed the indiscretion of railing a profligate abbot, at the first step, to a licutenant-general, and colonel of a regiment of horfe, without ftaying some reasonable time, as is usual in such cases, until he had given some proofs of his fidelity, as well as of that intereft and credit he pretended to have in his country. But that is faid to be another lie; for he was a Papist, and could not have a regiment: however, this other lie is a truth too; for a regiment he had, and paid by us, to his agent, Monfieur le Bas, for his use. The third is a blunder, that I fay Guifcard's defign was against Mr. Secretary St John, and yet my reafonings upon it are, as if it were perfonally against Mr Harley. But I fay no fuch thing, and my reafonings are jutt. I relate only what Guifcard faid in Newgate, because it was a parti cularity the reader might be curious to know,

(and accor

dingly it lies in a paragraph by itself, after my reflections); but I never meant to be anfwerable for what Guifcard faid, or thought it of weight enough for me to draw conclufions from thence, when I had the addrefs of both houses to direct me better; where it is exprefsly faid, that Mr Harley's fidelity to her Majefty, and zeal for her fervice, have drawn upon him the hatred of all the abettors of Popery and faction. This is what I believe, and what I fhall ftick to.

But, alas! thefe are not the paffages which have raised fo much fury against me. One or two mistakes in facts of no importance, or a fingle blunder, would not have provoked them; they are not fo tender of my reputation as a writer. All their outrage is occafioned by thofe paffages in that paper, which they do not in the leaft pretend to anfwer, and with the utmost reluctancy are forced to mention. They take abundance of pains to clear Guiscard from a design against Mr Harley's life; but offer not one argument to clear their other friends, who, in the business of Greg, were equally guilty of the fame defign against the fame perfon; whofe tongues were very fwords, and whofe penknives were axes.

N° 34.

Thursday, March 29. 1711.

I

Sunt hic etiam fua præmia laudi ;

Sunt lachrymæ rerum, et mentem mortalia tangunt.

Begin to be heartily weary of my employment as Examiner; which I wish the ministry would confider with half fo much concern as I do, and affign me fome other with lefs pains, and a penfion. There may foon be a vacancy either on the bench, in the revenue, or the army, and I am equally qualified for each; but this trade of examining, I apprehend, may at one time or other go near to four my temper. I did lately propofe, that fome of thofe ingenious pens which are engaged on the other side, might be employed to fucceed me; and I undertook to

C c 2

bring

bring them over for t'other crown: but it was answered, that thofe gentlemen do much better service in the ftations where they are. It was added, that abundance of abufes yet remained to be laid open to the world, which I had often promised to do, but was too much diverted by other fubjects that came into my head. On the other fide, the advice of fome friends and the threats of many enemies have put me upon confidering, what would become of me, if times fhould alter: this I have done very maturely, and the refult is, that I am in no manner of pain. I grant, that what I have faid upon occafion, concerning the late men in power, may be called fatire by fome unthinking people, as long as that faction is down; but if ever they come into play again, I must give them warning beforehand, that I fhall expect to be a favourite, and that those pretended advocates of theirs will be pilloried for libellers. For I appeal to any man, whether I ever charged that party, or its leaders, with one fingle action or defign, which (if we may judge by their former practices) they will not openly profefs, be proud of and fcore up for merit, when they come again to the head of affairs? I faid, they were infolent to the Queen: will they not value themselves upon that, as an argument to prove them bold affertors of the people's liberty? I affirmed, they were against a peace: will they be angry with me for fetting forth the refinements of their politics, in pursuing the only method left to preferve them in power? I faid, they had involved the nation in debts, and ingroffed much of its money: they go beyond me, and boaft they have got it all, and the credit too. I have urged the probability of their intending great alterations in religion and government: if they deftroy both at their next coming, will they not reckon my foretelling it rather as a panegyric than an affront? I said, they had formerly a design against Mr Harley's life *: if they were now in power, would they not immediately cut off his head, and thank me for justifying the fincerity of their intentions? In fhort, there is nothing I ever faid of those worthy patriots, which may not be as well excufed: therefore, as foon as they refume their places, I pofitively de

* See The Examiner, No 32.