mentioned. With us, however, the possibility is somewhat remote. There is nothing in the law, which renders unregistered title-deeds inoperative. But in every district there is an office for the registration of deeds. And of two deeds, affecting any parcel of land, legal preference would be given to the registered deed over the unregistered-cateris paribus, of course. And we have already seen that the Collector's records would show where the actual possession had been for centuries. Thus, although a concatenation of circumstances might arise, in which a title existed which should not be traceable from either office, yet such a coincidence would be highly improbable. Positive possession in India carries more weight with it than in Europe. Much state responsibility, and the liabilities of taxation are, in India, attached to the possession of the land. Actual occupation accompanies many transactions, such as mortgages and all transfers of that nature, in which, at Home, possession is not accorded, till the foreclosure takes place. We are not aware that in any country such detailed information concerning every field is registered as in India. And it may be safely asserted that in no country are the rights to land more complicated and multiform, and their registration more arduous than in India. On the whole then our system, though in one or two respects inferior, is equal, or superior, to any in comprehensiveness of detail.

We have now described the rights and positions held by the various classes into which the agricultural population is divided, and the method which Government has provided for the registration of these rights. Our readers will therefore be able to apprehend what incitements, and what necessities for education are felt, and what capacities are possessed by each class.

We commence with the class of small proprietors. In this class may be included all those, who hold land by the great Puttidari tenure, perfect or imperfect; all those, who hold small properties in Biswadari estates, having been emancipated from the thraldom of the Talukadars; all those, who possess similar holdings in rent-free estates of every description, paying revenue to the grantee, instead of to Government; all the proprietors of secondary Zemindari estates, which have a constant tendency to sub-divide and merge into the Puttidari tenure ;-in short all members of village communities, whithersoever found, and under whatever circumstances. What capacities for education, then, does this class possess? They have the feeling of independence, and the consciousness that their property is fixed and secure. They know exactly what their fiscal encumbrances will be for a period of years. They perceive that industry, perseverance,

economy, and enterprise may create funds, by which improvements in the land may be made, other lands acquired, and profitable speculations undertaken. Opportunities of purchasing are not often offered to men of this class. Private sales are not very common among village communities, and Government rarely resorts to the sale process for realizing the revenue. Any default, that may occur, is either made good by some solvent sharer, who takes the defaulting share, or is demanded from the whole body. These transfers are common. And private transfers for a term of years are often made by the unfortunate, or unthrifty, members in favour of their more prosperous brethren. Thus the prospect of further acquisition (which has been proved to impart so great an intellectual stimulus in Europe) is fairly opened up to this class; and mental habits of care, vigilance, thoughtfulness, self-controul, and caution are steadily and surely induced. But if so, is not the notion justified, that a peasant proprietor "must have an educated mind ?" -must possess inherent capacities for regular education? Formerly what motive had the small proprietor to work his mind, to think, to ponder, and to plan for the future? When his right was not clearly fixed; when he was at the mercy of his own Lumbardar; when his property was liable every day to be annihilated by some sweeping and indiscriminate sale, to gratify the avarice of some intriguing native official; when he was exposed to the evictions, the grinding oppression, and the rack-renting of an unprincipled and grasping Talukadar or Jaghirdar-in such times, what inducement had he to seek after knowledge for the sake of the daily temporal advantages which it might confer? We have seen how different is the case in times like the present.

Let us next consider the inducements to the acquisition of common learning, which present themselves to this class. Most of the influential members are old enough to remember the time, when fraud flourished, because there was no record of rights. Later experience reminds them of the advantages gained by men who were versed in legal practice, who understood what records did exist, could read them, and turn them to their own profit. Often have they smarted from the consequences entailed by the deceits palmed off by village accountants upon their unlettered masters. Every day they learn to dislike absolute dependance on a Putwari's dictum. They see the mischief, which accrues to individuals from a misunderstanding of their own accounts. They perceive the confusion, which occurs in the management of the public concerns of the community,

the needless quarrels which arise, the delay and uncertainty which result from the inability of the several partners to read and write, and thereby to superintend matters themselves. The desire once conceived, the means of gratifying it are ready to their hands. Only let them learn to read and write and understand the accounts, and all the above inconveniences are removed. Every proprietor feels that the acquisition of elementary knowledge would enable him to satisfy himself as to the measurement of his own land, and the equity with which his share of the public burdens has been allotted to him by the community, to test the daily entries to his name in the Putwaris' diary, and to examine the state of his accounts, when the annual papers are drawn up. Then the settlement records are fraught with the nearest interests of those concerned.

Is

it to be supposed that an intelligent proprietor is satisfied with the oral recitation of these papers, or with the exposition of them by others? Is he not anxious to con them over himself? So with the records of the Collector's office, where the village accounts for past years have all been filed-does he not feel desirous to compare them with the present adjustment of accounts? If able to read Urdu, what an instructive history would the records of his village unfold-what an insight into the system of Government, under which he lives, would they give him-what clear prospects for the future would they unveil to him, -what excellent means would they offer of interpreting personal experience, and of forming a sound judgment as to the general position of the brotherhood!

But besides stimulants and inducements, these communities are urged on to the task of self-education by what is almost necessity. When the complex form of a village community, and the multiplicity of the springs, which move the great machinery, are considered, it is evident that the members, though infinitely sub-divided in interest, are yet ultimately and contingently united. In times of yore, the bond of union was formed to repel aggression. In later times, it has been kept up to ward off the consequences of uncertainty in the seasons, to provide for the many chances and contingencies brought about by the iron strictness of our revenue system, and to frustrate the designs of fraudulent interlopers. The people adhere confidingly to this institution, endeared to them by family associations, and recommended by practical utility. Every man, though he feels his own property to be distinct and separate, yet takes a brotherly interest in his neighbour's. He is ready to encourage the hesitating, to spur on the idle, to warn the improvident, to aid the unfortunate. The fear of extra risk is more than compensated

by the sense of security. Joint responsibility is necessarily accompanied by mutual reciprocity. It may be irksome to a man that he should be held responsible for the deficiencies of others, and forced to sacrifice a portion of the advantages gained by personal assiduity for the benefit of others. At the same time the thought is no less grateful and consolatory, that other people are equally responsible for him, and are equally bound to render him assistance, and to repair his misfortunes. Unexpected calamities may befal him; inevitable default may occur; but his land will not pass into the hands of a stranger; his patrimony will not be reft from him for ever. The brotherhood will make good his default, or some single relative will pay up the required deficit, assume temporary occupation of the property, and restore to its owner, as soon as the original outlay with interest shall have been recovered from the profits. A few hard cases may arise from the enforcement of joint responsibility; but they bear, we believe, a small proportion to the number of cases, in which individuals have been redeemed from ruin by the steady operation of this principle in the minds of the people. Tens may have been injured, but hundreds have been saved. The affairs of such communities are necessarily involved in much complication. For instance what intricate calculations are required for the periodical re-allotment of the village revenue among the sharers, for the ascertainment of the relative value, and the past and present productiveness of lands! Again, what numerous questions must present themselves at the election of headmen and Lumbardars, when the claims of rival candidates come to be discussed, at the

re-admission of dispossessed co-partners. Then how many debateable points arise from the relations of Lumbardars and Puttidars, regarding the privileges of the one, and the prerogatives of the other! Then the cultivation of waste land, causing alterations in the relative proportions of holdings, and involving fresh estimates when the Bach is to be raised, and the distribution of the proceeds realized from manorial rights, rouse the passions and sharpen the wits of the various members: and when land held in common tenure comes to be divided, then every one is on the qui vive. The separation of interests, the assignment of shares, the method of procedure, the adjustment of details, afford ample scope for the exercise of judgment and discretion. When partial default occurs, a prompt decision is required regarding the manner in which it shall be made up; whether by general subscription, or by a particular sub-division or Thok, or by individuals, or how; if by subscription, then how is the defaulting share to be managed, to whom should it be made over, and so on. On all these questions, the settlement

Y

administration paper must be consulted. Doubts also have to be solved regarding the interpretation of clauses and the application of principles. This may suffice to convey some notion of the many affairs, which come before the tribunal of public opinion among the village communities. On the justness of their votes often hang the welfare, even the safety of the clan. Ignorance and misapprehension generally lead to internal dissension. If the leading minds misinterpret, or the mass misunderstand, their own customs-if misapplication of the local rules creates injustice, or provokes discord, one of the first results is general default, and that usually brings ruin upon all; and thus all the disadvantages of union are entailed, while all its advantages are withheld. Knowledge then is necessary to adapt men's minds to the elaborate constitution of wheel within wheel, under which they live. Without the rudiments of education, they will not properly understand it, and they may not improbably misapply it. If they do misapply it, the community will be broken up, when severance is too late to retrieve the mischief, and individuals will be ruined, because at the fatal juncture they possess neither the advantages of union nor of separation. There can, therefore, we imagine, be little doubt that the diffusion of elementary knowledge is necessary to render secure the constitutional integrity of the village communities.

Variety of caste must not be forgotten. The idiosyncracy of caste forms of course an important element in the general character of any body of proprietors. A most complete description of the actual distribution of Zemindari possessions among the different tribes throughout these provinces is given in the maps appended to Sir H. Elliot's Glossary of Indian terms. From them, it appears that the greater portion of the landed proprietors in the North Western Provinces belong to the Jat, Gujur, Rajput, Brahman, and Kayth tribes. A certain proportion are Mussulmans, among whom may be included the Mewatis.

The Jats are principally to be found in the upper Doab and the Delhi territory. They enjoy a wide spread reputation for industry, perseverance, and agricultural skill. Their courage has been generally appreciated by Europeans ever since the siege of Bhurtpore. There is we imagine a good deal of German phlegm and steadiness about the Jats. Their women partake essentially of the character of the men, and their industrial qualities are quite proverbial. They claim high descent, but we believe that the Brahmans and Rajputs some

Vide Proverb, cited by Sir H. Elliot in his Glossary, under the heading of Kurmi.