the people, must be looked upon as liberal and judicious, and any outlay on such works cannot reasonably be carped at. Such an extensive work must, at the outset, be opposed by many difficulties, and should not receive censure for not producing immediately any extraordinary results. Statute labour was required in Scinde, and was very justifiable. Perhaps, however, there might have been a more systematic and fairer selection of such labour: and the payment in grain, not always of the best quality, was not a pleasing arrangement. Native agency too might have been more extensively employed, and local native experience. We should like to dwell at greater length on this important subject: but we have not space to do so in this article, and moreover we would not wish to appear to censure, where so much of what would call it forth was really unavoidable. We do not purpose at present to enter into any discussion, as to the absolute net revenue derived from the Scinde Province. We believe that no correct return has as yet been presented either to the public, or to Government: and, moreover, we believe that the necessary records for the preparation of such a return do not exist, and could not be framed in the present state of the revenue offices in the country. But we cannot conclude this brief summary of the working of each separate department without giving, in round numbers, a general idea of the expenses incurred, in comparison with the receipts obtained. The revenues of Scinde have been variously estimated : we will assume them at the highest figure, which, with any shew of reason, has been put forth-namely, forty lacs. The general return of the revenue and expenditure of India for the year 1844-45 gives the receipts from Scinde at twentyfive and a half lacs, and its charges at nearly fifty-five lacs; and, for the year 1845-46, its receipts are stated at twenty-six and a quarter lacs, and its charges at sixty-four lacs! But in this are of course included its military charges. Allowing, however, forty lacs for receipts-and we will venture to say that the estimate will be found far too high-against this, we will set off the civil charges only. Gross estimated Revenues ............................................... Rs. 40,00,000 ......... Judicial charges, including Jails........ Canals and Forests 8,00,000 4,50,000 2,00,000 This would leave a balance of 24,00,000 Rs. for its general and military charges. We have not included the charges for jaghírs and charitable grants, supposing them to have been deducted from the gross revenue: nor have we alluded to the charges on account of public buildings. It must also be borne in mind that many of the most important of the police and civil duties were performed by troops of the line; that military officers, receiving no extra pay, formed the principal judicial Courts of the country; all of which, if comparison be made with other provinces and districts, must be considered. The military charges to be computed are those of a division staff, of an arsenal and ordnance department, an extensive commissariat, the Executive Engineer's department, of the wear and tear of large barracks, of the two regiments of Scinde horse, the camel baggage corps, one troop horse artillery, two field batteries, one regiment of European infantry, four regiments of Native infantry, two Belúch battalions (officered as local regiments), and the contingent expenses of all these. We must not close the period of Sir Charles' administration without alluding to some general measures, which we have not yet noticed. The first of these was the abolition of slavery. Slavery in Scinde was in a state of comparative leniency, its name being all that was practically infamous; for the so-called slaves were rather dependants of the family, and in most instances had no other homes to go to. Nevertheless, the abolition was a liberal and humane measure. It closed the door to much of what, at all events, appeared tyrannical; and, being carried out with great vigour, was useful in proving the power of the Government, and shewing that power first exerted in the cause of the most helpless class. Two other measures, equally productive of good, and both founded on philanthropy, were proclaimed and most vigorously enforced. The Scindians, like all the people beyond the Indus, were accustomed to travel abroad, armed with swords; and the natural consequence of this was the frequent occurrence of woundings, and even murder. In general, no search was made for arms: but it was prohibited to wear them and any infringement of this law was visited with the heaviest punishments; so that, in a short time, one might travel through the length and breadth of the land without meeting an armed person, when formerly to have met an unarmed one was an equally rare occurrence. We admire too the mode of enforcement employed. A general search by the police, or others, would have led to much petty annoyance and social disturbance: but the mode adopted left with honest men the means of self-defence. The other measure, to which we allude, was the prohibition of that barbarous custom, so prevalent in Scinde, of murdering parties caught in adultery-a custom rendered legal by the former Government. It is said indeed by some, that though this practice appeared to be on the decrease, yet that it still continued in secret: that the death of the female was equally brought about by the more secret means of poison or the cord; and that the frequency of cases of alleged suicide on the part of women was to be attributed to this; but we do not agree with this statement, and are of opinion that the crime was really less frequent. Suicides appear to have been equally frequent in the time of the Amírs: but the local officers, not at first aware of suicide being held as a crime, did not report them, till the vigorous move made by Government, in all cases connected with the death of women, brought such deeds to light. And further, in most cases of suicide, there existed some cause for the act. They generally occurred in the poorest families, and were committed by old, as well as young, women. Disease, rage, poverty, or ill-treatment were not amongst the Scindians to be considered as inadequate persuasives to the act: and, in the case of younger females, may be added the strong incentives of jealousy and resentment. We think then that the crime of murder did decrease, which was all we could immediately look for. It was not to be expected that men, who had had peculiar and national ideas of honour, and of the consequences, general and social, of the loss of that honour, could be all at once disabused of their error by the mere dictum of foreigners, who differed from them in religion and social feelings. But it behoved the Government to take the lead, and to use its power, rather than its influence, to stop the evil. Time alone could render the remedy perfectly efficacious: but the greater the power exerted by the Government, the sooner would that time arrive. More aid should have been sought, however, from other quarters, and principally by meeting with severity the great root and cause of the evil-viz., the crime of adultery. Seeing the almost certain bloodshed resulting from it, it should have been attacked with vigour, and a further punishment should have awaited it, than could be awarded by the decrees of Civil Courts. This was a point well deserving the attention of able legislators, and of those especially, who were well acquainted with the people, and competent to trace, through all its bloodstained course, the numerous circumstances attending, facilitating, or retarding that crime. The abolition of taxes was another measure, which, under the circumstances, was attended with advantage. We do not see the necessity of such abolition in so strong a light, as many do: but as the East India Company have chosen to abolish them in their other possessions, the benefit was fairly extended to Scinde. think, that when they have existed on a just principle, or are capable of being fairly equalized, that they might be advantageously continued with an adequate diminution of the tax on land. The great evil, usually resulting from such taxes under native governments, is the fact of their being almost universally farmed out to contractors, who abuse their trust. The taxes in Scinde were of three kinds-1st, "Sharshumair;" this was not (as its name imports) a poll-tax (counting of heads), but rather a shop tax. It was only imposed on such artificers as were Muhammadans, and was levied on every shop at rates varying from two to nine rupees per annum, having no reference to the number of individuals composing the family,-though it made allowances for those men, who could not carry on their business without hired aid. At the father's death, if the son carried on the trade, he continued to pay the tax: but, if too young to do so, nothing was levied from him, till he opened business. Weavers paid four rupees per annum, paper makers eight rupees, dyers nine rupees, &c., &c. The second tax was called "Bahrah," and was levied upon the fishermen. They formed "Mianis" or fishing bands,-each Miani being taxed "en masse," and fixing among themselves the rate at which each was to pay. The third, or Peshkush," was a similar tax levied from Hindu communities, fixed for the town or village, and portioned off into shares by themselves. These taxes were abolished on Sir 66 Charles's return from the hill campaign. Let us pause here awhile, to consider the vigour and energy of all his measures up to this time. We find Scinde not only conquered as to its armies, but the people sensible of our power, and seeing the Government seeking the advantage of the poorer classes, and adopting measures for the better preservation of life and property-and not only framing such laws, but enforcing them, before it arranged for its own revenues. They saw the inroads of their frontier foes repressed, and provision made to secure future tranquillity. They saw too, in the very first act affecting the revenue, the foregoing by Government of a large sum, which it might have demanded. Scinde was in fact fully ready to receive our civil rule, and, as such, had been conquered in the true sense of the word. Up to this time how greatly must we admire the vigour, energy, wisdom, and philanthropy, which had marked the steps of the conqueror !-how deep should be our admiration of the man, who had extended such blessings to half a million of people, and opened the way for their further enhancement under a more settled government! Here his duty properly ended and it would have been far better for Scinde, and probably for his own fame, had he then withdrawn. The confused state of the revenue would have been in no way attributable to him, but looked upon as a natural consequence of the change of dynasty, and as offering the first object of attention to an experienced hand. But alas! he undertook more than he could perform. The undivided wisdom of a Napier, in suffering itself to be supplanted by the crude theories of the Kurrachi Revenue Triumvirate, at the same time that it assumed the paternity of their measures, lost its glory. From this time forth, the acts of the Government were marked by want of vigour, of energy, of wisdom, and of experience. Measures ill-conceived and worse carried out, if carried out at all, brought forth nothing but confusion, fraud, and uncertainty. We have before remarked, and would here again observe, that most of the decrees, circulars, and documents, which emanated from the Government, were so much waste paper. They were not in themselves feasible and even, had they been so, there was no machinery to carry them out. What was called machinery was so many separate wheels, unconnected, and therefore useless, and, in their nature, of a wrong sort. It seemed to be considered necessary that there should be a certain number of wheels-whether cart-wheels, or watch wheels, was immaterial! They must be constantly revolving, but not with any reference to each other, or to any central directing power. The energy of the Government alone was to render everything else unnecessary. Now Sir Charles left no doubt as to the nature of the Government which he aimed at: in his own General Orders he asserted it to be "essentially military" to such an extent, even, that the senior Officer at a Station (in army rank) was to command at that Station; and, in the same way, a military Officer, employed in his military duties, might interfere with an Officer employed in the civil department, on his own responsibility, if such latter officer was junior in army rank. But this principle is plainly and grossly erroneous for it follows from such a rule, that the Captains of a Regiment must be more fitted for civil affairs than the Subalterns-and that merely, because one is Captain, and the other Lieutenant. Yet many Subalterns have proved them |