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Hungarian advisers. He set blunderingly to work on unknown materials, and constant insurrections were the consequence. The story of the sufferings of the Hungarian Protestants, at the hands of the Austrians, is a tale yet to be told in the ears of indignant Europe. Notwithstanding this, Leopold prevailed (by the promise of a general amnesty) on the honest and credulous Hungarians, to settle the succession on the House of Hapsburg, and to abrogate that clause of the Bulla Aurea, which established the right of armed resistance. But though a clause may be erased (and probably the Hungarians are the only people whose constitution ever contained such a clause), yet the right remains inalienable. Macaulay tells us that, when the most bigotted Tories, the Cavaliers, and high church. men of the restoration, who had strenuously maintained that no amount of tyranny could justify resistance even to a Nero, came in their time to feel the despotism of James II., their eyes were suddenly enlightened, both as to the lawfulness and expediency of resisting extreme tyranny by force. So it will ever be. It is an undefinable but an incontestable right-we might almost say an instinct.
Maria Theresa, the most popular and statesman-like of all the Austrian sovereigns, repaid the devotion of the Hungarians, to which she owed her crown, by every mark of confidence and regard, and appointed Hungarians to the highest offices. Her system was to maintain the constitution without the Diet, thus removing the strong. est bulwark of liberty, without rousing the wrath of its short-sighted defenders. When the Diet of 1764 (the last she summoned after her throne had been secured) refused to regulate the relations be. tween the peasants and their masters, she arbitrarily introduced her Urbarium, which accurately defined the rights of the peasantry. Her son, the "doctrinaire ” Joseph, refused to be crowned King of Hungary, in order to be wholly unfettered by the coronation oath in his schemes for overthrowing the constitution. The upshot of his twenty years' reign of innovations was, that he left Belgium in insurrection; Hun. gary on the verge of it; and that, on his death-bed, he retracted every one of his ordinances, with the exception of the Toleration Act. His brother, Leopold II., attached the Hungarians more firmly than ever to his House, by solemnly recognizing their constitution and indepen. dence. This prince shares with Matthias, and Joseph I., the honour of being the only sovereigns, who acted honestly towards Hungary.
The late Emperor Francis was a prince of narrow mind and narrow heart, without education or imagination, and therefore, without sympathy; yet with a certain degree of affection for his precise and faithful Austrians, such as we all have for men after our own hearts, and which has given rise to volumes on “ the paternal Government of Austria.” He was like a despotic parent, who loves his well-trained little children, who only require bread and butter and dolls, and never ask for more ; but who can neither endure, nor understand, the arrogance of his grown-up offspring, who justly require liberty both of thought and action. He had been thoroughly frightened by the French revolution : and nothing makes a man so savage as past fear. He viewed progress as synonymous with revolution : and hence the petty vindictiveness, the mingled ferocity and meanness of his treatment of the Italian patriots, which he carried to such an extent, as to refuse to one of these unfortunate prisoners the solace of some books, which even Prince Metternich was anxious to lend from his own library. The lofty Maria Theresa had a heart to repay loyalty with love : but Francis could only appreciate servility. It is well known that he never forgave a complaint, however just, against a superior. Turnbull relates the case of an officer, who, feel. ing himself aggrieved by his colonel, represented his case to the Emperor : by whom he was justified by the eve, and returned, as it were in triumph, to his regiment: but, in a very few months, he was compelled to leave it, in pursuance of an order placing him on the pen. sion list for life. Blind obedience was, with Francis, the cardinal virtue. No sooner was the peace concluded, than he forgot the loyalty shown by the Hungarians: no sooner were the Diets no longer needed to vote men and money, than they ceased to be summoned. He endeavoured to raise both troops and taxes by his arbitrary fiat, backed by force of arms, but was frustrated by the passive resistance of the counties.
In 1832 a reforming Diet once more sat. The policy of the Austrian Government, in Bohemia and the hereditary states, has ever been steadily to raise the peasantry and diminish the power of the nobles, by promoting commutations of forced labour into money payments, and endeavouring by every means to bring the peasantry under the immediate authority of the crown : but in Hungary, where the result would be to create another class, as free and independent as the nobles already were, the Government has sided with those of the Magnates, who obstinately opposed any change in the feudal institutions, or reform in the condition of the peasantry. In 1847, when the opposition, under Count Louis Batthiany in the Upper House and Kossuth in the Lower, obtained a majority, the immunity from taxation, peculiar to the nobles, was abolished ; Transylvania was re-annexed to Hungary; the franchise was greatly extended ; and municipal and other reforms—all having the same beneficial tendency-were carried through; solemnly ratified by the Emperor, on the 11th of April, 1848, and characterized, in the Royal speech, at the opening of the Diet, July 2nd, as necessary to the progress and prosperity of the country.”
In order fully to understand the subsequent events, we must bear in mind, that Hungary formed no portion of the Austrian empire. It was as distinct as Hanover from Britain ; and not only was, but had been repeatedly recognized as, a wholly independent kingdom, with a representative Government. No imperial decrees are legal in Hungary, unless countersigned by the Hungarian ministry. The heir of the crown is not considered King of Hungary, until his coronation, at which he solemnly swears to maintain the constitution. Thus Joseph II., who refused to be crowned, is not reckoned among the Hungarian sovereigns.
The population of Hungary is about 14,000,000, of which nearly 700,000 are nobles, i. e., free citizens and electors by right of birth. Every act of Government was discussed by the whole body of electors in each county, and their objections were brought before the Diet by the deputies, who, previous to April, 1848, were properly delegates, not representatives.
The French revolution took place in February. It had less effect in Hungary than in any other country, except our own. Kossuth, who saw its probable influence in Germany, declared in the Diet, March 4th, that the freedom of Hungary would never be secure from attack, until all the provinces of the Empire obtained constitutional guarantees. The revolution of March took place in Vienna, and Metternich fled on the 13th. In April, as we have seen, the Emperor ratified the acts of the Diet of 1847-48: but, at that very time, the Austrian ministers were secretly supporting the deputation of Serbs, Wallachs, Croats, &c., who sought to disobey and annoy the Hungarian ministry; as if Lord John Russell were to uphold Tipperary against the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland. Croatia had been an integral part of Hungary, since the time of Koloman in the eleventh century. The Arch-Duke Stephen, Palatine of Hungary, called upon Baron Jellachich, Ban of Croatia, to explain to the Croatians, the acts which had just been ratified, and which ensured to them ".
* full part in all the benefits of the enlarged constitutional liberty and equality of rights," of the Hungarians. The landed proprietors of Croatia were indemnified for the abolition of soccage (forced labour) out of the Hungarian Crown Estates. So much for the falsehoods propagated regarding Croatia having been driven to arms by the oppression of Hungary.
Our authority for these statements is the Emperor's own ma: nifesto, dated Innspruck, June 10, 1848, addressed to the Croats and Sclavonians, in which Jellachich is accused of having forced the people by violence into 'hostile demonstrations against Hungary, of having seized the public treasure, imposed taxes illegally, and summoned the Croatian congregation, in defiance of the law, as well as of the Imperial Autograph Order, and in which he is deprived of all his dignities :-“ All persons are sternly exhorted to renounce all sedi
tions, which aim at a separation from our Hungarian crown, and all • authorities are commanded, under penalty of deprivation, to break • off immediately all intercourse with Baron Jellachich and his adherents!”
The crafty policy of Austria is too little known to other nations. Few have read the incontrovertible proofs, that, in 1846, that Government excited the peasantry of Gallicia to assassinate their lords, in order to prevent the latter from joining the Polish insurrection; and that the dead bodies of the victims were brought in by the murderers themselves, and delivered up to the authorities at ten florins a head. We have now a letter before us, written by a Gallician proprietor, which speaks of the peasantry, as considered by the Government, as
“the saviours of the monarchy" in '46, and as consequently commis. sioned to supervise every action of their former masters. Another insurrection is feared. Few know these things :-alas! few care for them ; for we are ome Gallios, in regard to the sufferings of our neighbours. Few therefore are prepared to believe, that Jellachich was secretly ordered by the Emperor, or rather by the “camarilla" who managed the imperial puppet show, and at the head of which was the clever and intriguing Arch-Duchess Sophia (mother of the present Emperor), to act in open rebellion against bis (the Emperor's) own legitimate Government, as King of Hungary. When Jellachich at last thought fit to appear at Innspruck (July 5th) to answer for his proceedings, the Arch Duchess Sophia invited him to tea. The Ban replied, " Imperial Highness, I am no longer any thing but Archtraitor." Then said the Arch-Duchess, "My dear Arch-traitor, I expect you to tea." Three days later, the Palatine, in opening the Hungarian Diet, July 8th, speaking from the throne in the name of the King, denounced the insurgents in Croatia, as rebellious and guilty of sedition in declaring that His Majesty approved of their acts, and called
upon the Diet to provide for the defence of the country. The Diet immediately voted a large levy, and passed the budget for 1848-49; and Count Batthiany went to Vienna to obtain the royal assent to these bills. But the battle, in which Radetzky overthrew the hopes of Italy, produced a sensible change in the love of the Austrian Cabinet. The royal assent could not be obtained! News arrived that the Ban had on the 1st September seized Fiume, and driven away the Governor and other authorities appointed by the Emperor himself, as King of Hungary. The Emperor, whose imbecility of mind from epilepsy is well known, wrote to the Arch-Duke Palatine, that he agreed with his Austrian ministry in their opinion, that he had “ no right to sanction the propositions of the Hungarian Diet,” or to grant the Hungarians a ministry of their own; and that the finan. ces and army of Hungary must be confined to the Austrian ministers of finance and war ; -an arrangement hitherto unheard of. This unexpected declaration astounded both the Palatine and the Diet; and a deputation was sent to Schoenbrunn to ascertain from the King, whether he recognized the laws of 1848, or not. As the deputies were assembled in the hall of the Hungarian ministry at Vienna, they were greeted with another coup de foudre, in the shape of an autograph letter from the Emperor to Jellachich, dated September 4th, reinstating him in all his dignities, and highly approving of all his acts. Still the deputation persevered. Their loyal and manly address was answered by the Emperor in faltering accents to the effect, that he would " sacredly preserve the laws he had sworn to, and the integrity of Hungary." This took place on the 9th of September: and, on the evening of that day, Jellachich, at the head of 65,000 men, crossed the Drave, the boundary between Hungary and Croatia. The Palatine, having ascertained from Jellachich himself, that he had no written order from the Emperor, put himself at the head of the Hungarian army, which only amounted to 8,000 regular troops. This step of the Palatine's was approved of by the Emperor. Count Batthiany, who was at the head of the ministry, directed M. Pulsky to represent to the Emperor the necessity of ordering Jellachich to withdraw from Hungary, so that all questions between Hungary and Croatia might be settled by arbitration : but, instead of this, the Emperor wrote to the Arch Duke to avoid any conflict with the Croatian army, now marching on Pesth. The Palatine, a Hungarian by feeling and education, gave up his post in despair and disgust, and retired to his German estates. The burning eloquence of Kossuth roused the whole nation to arms. The Hungarian regiments refused to follow the example of the German ones, who had gone over to Jellachich. The Austrian minister at war now threw off the mask, and ordered the surrender of Komarom (Komorn) to Jellachich : but the commandant replied that “the King legally conveyed his orders through his Hungarian ministry, and therefore no order could be accepted from His Majesty's Austrian ministry."
Another plan was devised. Count Lamberg was appointed “Commander-in-chief of all the troops in Hungary,” with full power to dissolve the Diet, if necessary. This was in fact placing the country under martial law. M. Pulsky represented in vain, that this appointment would not be legal without the counter-signature of Count Batthiany. Count Latour, the minister of war, pledged his honour that he had no official relations with Jellachich. A few days subsequent, despatches from the Ban to Count Latour and others of the Austrian mi. nistry were seized, and printed, and published, even in Vienna, acknowledging the receipt of stores, requesting more, and soliciting full recognition by the Emperor. Lamberg came to Pesth, in spite of all warnings from M, Pulsky and others, and was murdered by a mob, without there being the slightest ground for accusing any member of the Hungarian government of the remotest participation in the horrid deed. The Diet immediately passed a resolution for the seizure of the criminals. Batthiany went to Vienna, and resigned. Jellachich attacked the Hungarians on the 29th of September, and was beaten back by Moga. He retreated to Raab, and from thence to the Austrian frontiers, slowly pursued by Moga, whose object seemed rather to free the country from his presence, than to destroy him. He appears to have been actuated by that weakness, so often fatal in civil wars—an aversion to pushing his antagonist to extremity. It is founded on many kindly feelings, but is not the less a pernicious weak
If war is necessary and just, it must be carried on without any compromise. This is the only way to serve one's country; and it is also the most merciful to all concerned. If Cromwell had not acted on this principle, he never would have restored peace to his country. If Cavaignac had not done the same, the fire, that burst out in June 1848, would now have been smouldering among the ashes of the French republic. Two other bodies of invaders, amounting to 17,000 men, were