stantial facts, although it would take a volume to discuss the subject at any length. They are now generally admitted, or only faintly denied by opposite writers of the present age. And if some ardent puritan of this century were to place this reign as next to that of William III., or Alfred, in genuine benefit to the country; there are not wanting enquirers who have given some study to the subject, who would not be disposed to deem this a very erroneous conclusion.

But the private life of the Protector may now claim our consideration. And among other flaws with which he has been arraigned, stands first in time, the reproach of a profligate youth. His accusers, however, state that from a life of notorious libertinism, he attained to sobriety of deportment, and inoffensive regularity. And some of his enemies allow him to have merited the praise of being a kind husband, parent, and friend, They nevertheless continue to hold that all the alteration of his demeanour was sheer hypocrisy, to suit his own ambitious views, Those, however, who know what it takes to accomplish such a change of character as is here represented, will pause before bringing in a verdict of deceit. In opposition to these fables, it is believed that Cromwell never was the prodigal that has been described. His early marriage, domestic virtues, and some strong facts, brought to light in a late me-moir of his representative, (Mr. Cromwell,) induce me

to conclude that there is little or nothing in this censure. He has also been generally accused of an insatiable ambition; but on fair investigation, the prevailing passion of his life will be found to have been neither exorbitant love of power, nor hatred of monarchy, but a lofty zeal for religious liberty; in which, like many other great men, he outwent the notions of his age. Men like Hume, unacquainted with the holy dread of the divine character, find difficulty in conceiving how any rational being could feel it an intolerable calamity, to be constrained to particular forms of worship: and cannot understand the agony that might overwhelm a tender conscience in the view of violating preconceived judgment of divine truth, by the adoption of what they consider unscriptural ceremonies, through the menace of fetters and exile. Such persons, therefore, cannot be supposed capable of entering into the bitterness of those resolutions, which induced Cromwell to think on bidding farewell to his country, to pursue religious liberty in the wilds of America. But it may be remarked, that this circumstance indicates no deep predetermination of overturning the government; as he seems to have been only restrained by force from putting this scheme of banishment into execution. Hume says that Charles had better have let him go; as if Cromwell had been the only obstacle in his way. Whereas the King would probably have found that there

was no paucity of other heads and hearts to act the part of the Protector; for it is scarce doubtful that the majority of respectable and right-thinking men did side against the very questionable measures of the court,

The conduct of Cromwell as captain of a troop of horse, and his career afterwards to the chief command, are, I think, in all leading particulars, irreproachable. It may be asked what considerations excited him to engage in such a struggle. Let the student of British constitutional history read attentively the original memoirs of the five reigns preceding that of the first Charles, and he will discover a pertinent answer to this question. We of the present day are privileged to worship in that form which we find most to accord with our views of revelation. But it is important to reflect that ruinous law expenses, fines, removal of families, wailing of wives and children, imprisonments, cropping of ears, banishment, and death, were the assured trials that awaited the conscientious in these things, even in Elizabeth's boasted days. From all this Cromwell saved England; and it is somewhat melancholy to think that his reward has been evil for good. "But in order," cries some devotee on the other side, "that fanatics might have scope to worship in an unconstitutional manner, contrary to statute; was this a principle for the establishment of which it was worth while that the King should be slain, and the whole frame-work of Church

and State levelled to the ground? What example this for posterity! and for the same reason, every fretful, morosé malcontent may be justified in sedition and rebellion to the end of time." Thus do men of these sentiments argue; and to this reasoning, if such it may be called, an overwhelming majority of the English nation have listened with approbation for near two hundred years; judging that toleration in matters of conscience is an article of by no means that exalted value, to be purchased at such an unreasonable price as the Puritans bid for it. Many who indulge themselves in the habitual vituperation of Cromwell, would as little as he have submitted to bend their consciences at the iron beck of a despot; or prostrate even mere speculative views of right at his demand, or lower the flag of their most trivial inclination to his passing pomp. But these excellent persons dwell safely in their pleasant manors, enjoying all the English liberty that the Puritans pur chased for them through strife and blood and prate against their benefactors with as much asperity as if they had been aggressed and injured, instead of having been loaded with unspeakable benefits at their hands.

Some time previous to the battle of Naseby, the affairs of the Parliament wore a gloomy appearance. Men's hearts failed for fear. Essex, their general, was lukewarm. The regal forces were congregating on all sides, and matters coming to a crisis. The Parlia

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ment's army was in a state unwarlike and disorganized; and the time evidently arrived when resolute decision alone could preserve the Commonwealth from being degraded by the royal hand into the abased condition of Spain or France. To effect a beneficial change by newmodelling the army, and to introduce an alteration of measures, the self-denying ordinance was accomplished; to discuss the merits of which, would be here out of place. The armies approached; and that of the Parliament under the influence of apprehension and panic, insisted that Cromwell, their favoured support, should be permitted, notwithstanding the interference of the ordinance, to join the troops. This reasonable wish was gratified; and the behavour of the left wing under Cromwell's command determined the fate of this celebrated

day; and also decided the wisdom that prompted his presence; as the remainder of the Parliamentary army was completely discomfited by Rupert's impetuous onset. This is all natural and fair: but Hume and others take much pains to make up a story on this head to Cromwell's disadvantage, which I confess I could never understand. And it is doubtful if the fabricators of it had any clear view at the time of its device, farther than a distinct wish to prove Cromwell at all times, and on all occasions, a consummate, and almost undiscoverable hypocrite.

- His next step to promotion was in the ordinary course