victorious foldiers; and in the evening the city furrendered, without any terms but a mere gratuitous promife of protection for the perfons and property of the citizens. A tree of liberty was foon' after planted in the prefence of Gen. Brune. Frifching, although prefident of a new provifionary regency, yet a filent mourner over the calamities of his country, officiated at the inauguration. There,' faid he, addreffing the French General, there is your tree of liberty: may it bring forth wholefome fruit.' "About noon, when all hopes were relinquished by the terrified. regents, they difpatched the fatal order to the divifions at Neweneck and Gumminen to abftain from all farther hoftilities. Some of these brave, and, on that very day, victorious, men, retreated to the city, and ethers bent their way towards their homes in the Oberland. The latter, frantic with rage and despair, fell upon their officers, flew their two Adjutant-Generals, Croufay and Gumoens, and throughout the evening an epaulette was confidered as a death-warrant. Among these leaders were alfo Steiguer and Erlach. The former, in disguise, and amidst intoxicated foldiers, peafants, and even parties of light troops of the enemy, reached the lake of Thun on foot. Extreme laffitude compelled him to feat himself on the trunk of a tree, and there he dept awhile. He then found means to cross the lake, and, ftill unknown, efcaped the frenzy of the enraged villagers, and reached at length the canton of Underwalden; but he did not think himself fecure until he entered the gates of the Auftrian town of Bregenz. "The fate of the unhappy Erlach was ftill lefs propitious, unless indeed he would have deemed it a calamity to furvive the downfall of his country. A confiderable number of arms, fome artillery, and ample ftores of ammunition and provifions, together with a treasure of about 1,60,000l. fterling, had, early, in this year, been fent into the impregnable retreats of Hafli and the Oberland, as a depot in cafe of emergency. Thither Erlach refolved to fpeed his way, ftill. hoping that he might collect a force fufficient to preferve fome remnants of the now fhattered republic. Being arrived at Mufingen, about midway, between Berne and Thun, he was recognized by fome ftraggling foldiers, who immediately feized, tied, and placed him on a cart, meaning to convey him to Berne: but another party of infuriated foldiers and peasants foon after met the efcort, fell upon the unhappy victim, and amid horrid fcreams and execrations, ftruck him with their hatchets, and bayonets, and difpatched him. His wretched widow escaped a fimilar fate merely by a ftupor, which for a time bereaved her of her fenfes. She took refuge in a folitude, at the upper extremity of the lake of Thun. The affaffins having, on the fol lowing day, been interrogated concerning the motives of this atro cious deed, owned that fome Frenchmen had fhewn them letters which they affured them came from Erlach, in which he promised to betray his country, and to facilitate the defeat of his army. Mr. Mallet du Pan afferts this fact on indubitable authority, and at the fame time records many inftances of the devoted heroifm of individuals, and efpecially of women and young girls, who fell in the several encounters, A fenator A fenator blew out his brains rather than furvive the frredom of his country; and upon the whole nothing appears more evident, than that the fall of the Confederacy can by no means be afcribed to the degeneracy of the people." The reduced and deplorable ftate of conquered Switzerland is thus ably described by B. Zeltner in an official note: "The minister plenipotentiary of the Helvetic republic fulfils the first and most pleating of the duties impofed on him by his conftituents, in teftifying to the Great Nation, and to its conftituted authorities, their gratitude for the benefit conferred on them, of a conftitution founded on the principles of liberty and equal rights. Could the Helvetian republicans have recovered their indefeafible rights without being deprived of all the means of enjoying them, the gratitude they now profefs would know no bounds. İntimately connected with the French nation during many centuries, by all the ties of mutual esteem, by the intercourfe of commerce, and treaties founded upon reciprocal advantages, the Helvetie people would with rapture ftill be its faithful ally, its friend, and its admirer, did not too many fufferings attend their political regeneration. Is it then written in the book of destiny, that the noble gift of freedom muft be purchased at the price of every kind of oppreffion which can afflict a people?' "Thefe fufferings and thefe oppreffions he next paints in colours which must excite compaffion, if not horror. When, in conferring freedom on a people,' he continues, you clothe it in the rags of mifery; when you compel it to exchange its gay and genuine felicity for gloomy dejectedness, and all manner of vexation; when the husbandman foregoes his plough, and the artift both his work and implements; when the virtuous and peaceful citizen is ftript of his property, and all his rights are trampled upon, you have, O Great Nation! you have miffed your aim. England triumphs. They are not empty declamations, not vague alarms, which the Helvetic Minifter here lays before you. He undertook the folema obligation to tear afunder an odious veil. He will fulfil his duty with the franknefs and fimplicity that has always been the charact teriftic of the nation he reprefents; and with a heart that beats only for liberty, he will adduce facts, and establish them upon inconteftible evidence.' "After fpecifying more particularly fome of the most atrocious cruelties practifed by the French fubftitutes, the Minifter proceeds: The confequences of fo irritating a conduct against a people, not distracted by pleafures, nor to be awed by fear, though it may be guided by gentle means, are indeed alarming. It is exceedingly impolitic not to ftudy their character more attentively. This brave, but headstrong people, adhere firmly to their religion, to their democracy, and to their ancient manners. Whatever bears the femblance of infidelity or outrage, revolts their honeft minds, and fills them with indignation. When they have nothing more to lefe, when urged by defpair, they they will yield themselves up to every excefs; and Helvetia may be come the theatre of scenes far more horrible than those of the Vendee. The writer trembles in ufing this language, but it is his duty to use it. Not to reveal the whole truth to the French Directory, were an unpardonable offence.' "The nature of the grievances he complains of may be gathered from the articles of redrefs he demands in the name of his republic. These were, the replacing of all the public funds, which had been feized and carried away a repeal of the contributions laid on without the leaft retrofpect to the abilities of the contributors; the return of the artillery, arms, ammunition, and, in a word, all that the French had purloined from the Swifs; an immediate reduction of the French army in Swifferland, especially the cavalry, and that what remained should be quartered in barracks; and lastly, that the agents of the French republic, as well as the commanders of the French troops, should be intructed to concert their measures with the Helvetic government, to act only in its name, and with its approbation." This Hiftory of the Rife and Fall of the Helvetic Confede racy is peculiarly interefting from the well known virtues of the people whom it celebrates, and the recent calamities which they have endured. The author has done himself great credit in having, in fo comparatively fhort a time, and when events were fo recent, produced a work which will form a valuable addition to the hiftoric library; and exhibit a lafting monument of the diftinguished abilities, patient investigation, genuine patriotism, and fincere piety, of its author. Reflections on the Political and Moral State of Society at the Clofe of the Eighteenth Century. By John Bowles, Efq. Author of Reflections on the Political State of Society at the Commencement of the Year 1800, &c. &c. 8vo. Pr. 270. 5s. Rivingtons. 1800. MR. R. BOWLES, whofe writings are well known to the public, has here entered upon a vaft field of moral and political difquifition, in which facts, of the most important and interesting nature, abound, to direct the steps, and to inform the mind, of the author. From these facts he has accordingly drawn deductions of the utmoft confequence to the prefent well-being, and the future fate of fociety; as well as to the present and future happiness and welfare of the individuals of which it is compofed. He firft enters into a deliberate investigation of the motives which actuated both parties, in the offer and rejection of the late overtures for peace, by the French Conful and the British Minifter; he closely examines the nature, and the object of Buonaparte's propofitions, and he no man 66 he clearly fhews that they could not have been accepted by a British Minifter, without a fcandalous dereliction of principle and violation of duty; and therefore fairly concludes, that the offer was infincere, and only made from the conviction that it would not be accepted. The author's chain of reasoning on this point is clofe, connected, and conclufive; his facts are undeniable, and his inferences are fuch as partizáns may deny, but as no honeft man can reject. In a note to P. 24, he fuccefsfully combats and expofes a ridiculous idea, promulgated by men, who found themselves overpowered by the cogency of the arguments adduced by their adverfaries, that can from pure, difintérested, and honourable motives, fupport the caufe of Religion, regular Governments, and focial Order?" He contends, as another writer had contended before him, that men who advance fuch prepofterous notions, must reason from the felfifhnefs of their own minds; from an unwillingness to allow to others a degree of integrity which they are conscious of not poffeffing themselves. Mr. B. very properly afferts his own independence, and vindicates the freedom of his opinions. From the confeffions of Meffrs. Fox and Erskine, in England, and of the partifans of the last new Government in France, he proves the inevitable tendency of the French Revolution, to excite uneafinefs, and to shake the very foundations of Civil Society in every nation of Europe. After quoting paffages from recent fpeeches of the gentlemen juft mentioned, he fubjoins the following pertinent obfervation and appofite fact. * "The above admiffions, however ftriking, are very far from conveying an adequate idea of the danger to which all countries were be times exposed by the French Revolution; for they are filent refpecting one great fource of that danger, the fyftem of univerfal fubverfion which was adopted by the French Revolutionifts, and their unceafing endeavours, by public declarations and by private machinations, to excite every people under Heaven to revolt against their government. Thefe attempts are now univerfally known; but it may not be amifs to quote, in illuftration of the truth, which was betimes avowed by the Republicans of France-that they embraced the whole world in their fyftem of fraternity, a fong with which they amufed themselves in the year 1792: Nous irons voir dans la Turquie Le difciple de Mahomet; Il faut qu'il foit de la partie, Nous lui dirons notre fecret: See Gifford's Second Letter to Erskine, S'il Sil prete fon ferment civique, Et s'il renonce a l'Alcoran, Nous lui donnerons, au lieu d'un Turban, "After perufing thefe early effufions of French Republicanifm, the furprife which has been excited by the exhibition of such characters as Ali Buonaparte and Abdallah Menou, must be confiderably diminished." On the other hand, the author comments, with great, but merited, feverity, on the strange and prepofterous declaration of Mr. Fox, that as we had not refused to treat with the lawful Monarchs of France, who had always been our rivals and our enemies, so ought we not to refuse to treat with their Republican imitators. This leads Mr. B. to confider and to difplay the fundamental difference between the present and all former wars, and between the Social and the Revolutionary fyftem. "So diametrically oppofite are these fyftems, that light and darknefs, good and evil, do not exhibit a greater contraft. The latter, which is properly termed the Sacial fyftem, is founded upon religion, morality, and law. Its tendency is. to reftrain the paffions and controul the vices of mankind, and to courteract the evil propenfities of human nature. It endeavours to regulate the conduct of individuals by the rules of virtue. It prefcribes to ftates, in their mutual intercourfe, the obfervance of equity, good faith, and moderation. Its objects, in short, are order, juftice, peace, fecurity, and the protec tion of all the bleffings, which conftitute the happiness of human life. On the other hand, the Revolutionary fyftem tends to the fubverfion of religion, morality, and law, the ancient foundations of fociety. Inftead of correcting or controuling, it gives a full fcope to human depravity. It releases the paffions from all reftraint, and encourages both individuals and ftates to difregard every rule, which has been wont to keep them within the bounds of rectitude or moderation. It is incorporated with a new scheme of philofophy, of which the tendency is to corrupt the heart, and to dry up the very fources of vir tue. Its object, in fhort, is to diffolve the bands of fociety, and to introduce difcord, oppreffion, licentioufness, and anarchy. "It is true, the Social fyftem cannot prevent the commiffion of great crimes; it cannot entirely reftrain, either individuals or ftates, from acting injuriously and flagitiously. While man is an imperfect being, fubject to paflion, and expofed to temptation, he will, at times, be a difgrace to his fpecies, and a juft object of divine and human vengeance. But this fyftem, though it cannot render him perfect, has hitherto confined his depravity within fuch bounds as are effential, not merely to the existence, but to the general well-being of fociety. It operates as a never-ceafing check upon human wickedness. It places religion, morality, law, habit, opinion, difgrace, in short, the whole force |
