rating the Bedfords from the rest, to introduce a part of them to power. Keen observers predicted a "mosaic" ministry.

To proceed securely, Grafton required some understanding with Chatham; but Chatham refused to see him, pleading his disability. The king himself, in a letter framed with cool adroitness, but which seemed an effusion of confidence and affection, charged the earl, who had given in the house of lords defiance to the whole nobility, by his "duty, affection, and honor," not to "truckle" now, when the "hydra" was at the height of its power; for success, nothing was wanted but that he should have "five minutes' conversation" with Grafton.

Chatham yielded to such persuasion, though suffering from a universal tremor, which application to business visibly increased. Grafton was filled with grief at "the sight of his great mind bowed down and thus weakened by disorder;" but he obtained from him the declaration that "he would not retire except by his majesty's command.”

At a second interview in June, Grafton, at the wish of the king, urged that Shelburne "could not be allowed to continue in his office." Chatham summoned spirit to vindicate his friend, and to advise the dismission of Townshend. He was with great difficulty led to believe that a junction was necessary with either the Bedfords or the Rockinghams; but, of the two, Grafton thought him inclined to prefer the former. After an interview of two full hours, the ministers parted with the most cordial professions of mutual attachment.

Grafton was left in the position of prime minister; but, from this time, the king controlled his ministers and directed affairs in hostility to public freedom, even where protected by usage and law. Liberty, nevertheless, continued to grow in strength. "Men are opening their eyes," said Voltaire, "from one end of Europe to the other. Fanaticism, which feels its humiliation and implores the arm of authority, makes the involuntary confession of its defeat. This happy revolution which has taken place in the minds of men of probity within fifteen or twenty years has exceeded my hopes."

That a greater change hung over America could not escape Jonathan Trumbull, the deputy governor of Connecticut. He was a model of a rural magistrate, never weary of busi

ness, profoundly religious, grave in manner, discriminating in judgment, fixed in his principles, steadfast in purpose, and, by his ability and patriotism, enchaining respect and confidence. His opinion was formed, that, if "methods tending to violence should be taken to maintain the dependence of the colonies, it would hasten a separation;" that the connection with England could be preserved by "gentle and insensible methods," rather than "by power or force." But not so reasoned Townshend, who, after the Whitsuntide holidays, "stole" his bill through both houses. The stamp act had called an American revenue "just and necessary," and had been repealed as impolitic. Townshend's preamble to his bill granting duties in America on glass, red and white lead, painters' colors and paper, and threepence a pound on tea, declared a "certain and adequate" American revenue "expedient." By another act, a board of customs was established at Boston; and general writs of assistance were legalized. For New York, an act of parliament suspended the functions of its representatives till they should render obedience to the imperial legislature.

On such an alternative, it was thought that that province would submit without delay; and that the Americans, as their tea would now come to them at a less price than to the consumers in England, would pay the impost in their own ports with only seeming reluctance.

But the new measures were even more subversive of right than those of Grenville, who left the civil officers dependent on the local legislators, and preserved the proceeds of the American tax in the exchequer. Townshend's revenue was to be disposed of under the sign manual at the king's pleasure, and could be burdened at will by pensions to Englishmen. In so far as it provided an independent support for the crown officers, it did away with the necessity of colonial legislatures. Governors would have little inducement to call them, and an angry minister might dissolve them without inconvenience. Henceforward, "no native" of America could hope to receive any lucrative commission under the crown unless he were one of the martyrs to the stamp act. Places would be filled by some Briton-born," who should have exhibited proof of a

readiness to govern the Americans, on the principle of bringing them to the most exact obedience to the instructions of the king.

The man who, at this moment of Chatham's illness, seized on the administration of the colonies, saw nothing but what at the moment lay near him. England had excelled all other states in founding colonies, because she sent out her sons with free institutions like her own; and now her minister of an hour, blind alike to her interest and her glory, was undoing her noblest work. Less than two centuries before, the English was heard nowhere but among the inhabitants of the larger part of one island and a few emigrants among the Celts of another. It had now seated itself on a continent beyond the Atlantic; and a comely and industrious race, as it climbed the eastern slope of the Alleghanies, carried with it the English speech and laws and letters and love of liberty. With superior wisdom and foresight, Hume contemplated the ever-expanding settlements of those who spoke the same tongue with himself, wished for them the freest and happiest development, and invited Gibbon, his great compeer, to observe that at least “the solid and increasing establishments in America promised superior stability and duration to the English language."

VOL. III.-17

CHAPTER XX.

COALITION OF THE KING AND THE ARISTOCRACY.

JULY-NOVEMBER 1767.

THE anarchy in the ministry enabled the king to govern as well as to reign. Grafton made no tedious speeches in the closet, and approved the late American regulations; persuading himself that the choice of tea as the subject of taxation was his own; that the law suspending the legislative functions of New York was marked by moderation and dignity; and that abrogating the charters of the American colonies would be their emancipation from "fetters."

The king, who had looked into Conway's heart to learn how to wind and govern him, attached him by the semblance of perfect confidence, showing him all Chatham's letters, and giving him leave to treat with his own old associates.

But Rockingham, who never opened his eyes to the light that was springing from the increased intelligence of the masses, and left out of view that his glory as a statesman had come from his opposition to Grenville and Bedford, governed himself exclusively by the ancient principle of his party "to fight up against the king and against the people," and set about cementing the shattered fragments of the old whig aristocracy. He began with Bedford. "Bedford and Grenville are one," said Rigby, by authority; "and neither of them will ever depart from the ground taken, to assert and establish the entire sovereignty of Great Britain over her colonies." But Rockingham satisfied himself by declaring for a "wide and comprehensive" system, and, after a week's negotiation, with no plan but to support privilege against prerogative, he announced to Grafton his readiness to form a new administration.

The king, whom Rockingham had now to encounter, was greatly his superior in sagacity and consistency. Implacable toward Grenville, he surveyed calmly the condition of the checkered factions; and, seeing that his own consent to their union would set them at variance among themselves, he gave Rockingham leave to revive, if he could, the exclusive rule of the great whig families. He was master of the field, and he knew it. "The king may make a page first minister," said Lord Holland. But the people demanded more and more to know what was passing in parliament; and, with the ready support of the press, prepared to intervene through the force of public opinion. "Power," thought a French observer, "has passed into the hands of the populace and the merchants. The country is exceedingly jealous of its liberty."

On the twentieth of July 1767, the leaders of the two branches of the oligarchy met at the house of the duke of Newcastle. Rockingham explained the purpose of the meeting. Bedford, on behalf of Temple and Grenville, declared their readiness to support a comprehensive administration, provided it adopted the capital measure of asserting and establishing the sovereignty of Great Britain over its colonies. At this, Rockingham flew into a violent passion. Bedford insisted with firmness on the declaration. Sandwich interposed to reconcile the difference by substituting words which might be interpreted either way. The difficulty recurred on discussing the division of employments. Rockingham was inflexible against Grenville as the leader of the house of commons, and Bedford equally determined against Conway. So the meeting broke up without any result. The next day, at a second meeting, the difficulty about America could not be got over," and we broke up," says Bedford, " with our all declaring ourselves free from all engagements to one another."

The king admitted Rockingham to an audience, to make his confession that the country required a strong, united, and permanent administration, and that he could not form one of any kind. The king was in the best humor. He bowed very graciously, and Rockingham bowed, and so they parted. "What did the king say to you?" asked Grafton and Conway, eagerly, as Rockingham came out; and the answer was: "Nothing."