to thofe inftructions or letters that have been lately fent to our minifters or Confuls in Spain: and as the negotiation between us and the court of Spain is far from being concluded; as I hope, and : every Gentleman as well as I, muft with that it may not be broke off till it is brought to a happy conclufion; we cannot defire his Majefty to order all the letters and inftructions that have been lately fent to our minifters or Confuls in Spain, to be laid before this house. I fhall grant, Sir, that in order to know how matters ftand at present between us and Spain, the causes of our prefent difputes, and the measures his Majefty has taken to put an end to them, it would be proper for us to fee all the papers that have been mentioned, and a great many more than have been now moved for. We cannot propose to acquire a full and perfect knowledge of thefe matters, and of the circumftances of affairs at home and abroad, without having a compleat knowledge of all the negotiations that have been lately carried on, or are now carrying on, not only between us and Spain, but between us and every other Power in Europe; but this is a knowledge, which every one muft admit, his Majefly neither can nor ought to communicate to parliament. I have fhewn, that the communicating all those papers that are now mov'd for, might be of the most dangerous confequence; and even the Hon. Gent. himfelf who mov'd for thofe papers, allows, that we ought not to defire all the memorials, reprefentations, and anfwers, received from the court of Spain, to be laid before us; because our rendring the contents of fome of them publick, might put a stop to our negotiations, and make the court of Spain refuse to treat any longer with us. Are not we, Sir, to apprehend the fame confequence, from our rendring publick the memorials and reprefentations that have been made to the King of Spain or his minifters? For the memorials and reprefentations that have been made by us, muft relate to, and may probably recite a great part, if not the whole fubftance of those we have received. What are we then to do in fuch a cafe, Sir? We cannot defire a full and perfect knowledge of all fuch affairs. We must content ourselves with fuch a knowledge as may be fafely communicated to us, without injuring the publick affairs of the nation: and we must leave it to his Majefty to judge, what may be fafely communicated. We may depend upon his goodness, and the regard he has for his parliament, that he will, upon this occafion, communicate to us every paper, and every tranfaction, relating to the Spanish depredations, that can be fafely communicated: but his wisdom, and the regard he has for the honour and intereft of his kingdoms, must prevent his communicating to us any thing that ought not, that cannot be fafely made publick; and we ought not, by an unfeasonable addrefs, to raise a contest in his royal breaft, between his goodness and wifdom, or between the regard he has for his parliament, and the regard he has for the honour and intereft of his kingdoms. The refolutions we have already come to, I did not, 'tis true, oppofe: but it was not, Sir, because I entirely approved of them. It was, because I did not fee any thing in them, but what his Majefty, I thought, might comply with: I did not apprehend that by any of them, there were papers called for that might not be fafely made publick. But with regard to the two laft refolutions, the Hon. Gent. has been pleased to propose, the cafe is very different. At first view I fee, that by each of them there are papers called for, which it may not be fafe to make publick: Some of thofe papers, I think, may probably be fuch, as would difclose the fecrets of our government, or interrupt, if not put a full stop to the courfe of our negotiations: Therefore I must look upon the addreffes propofed by thofe refolutions, to be of fuch a nature, that there is the highest probability of his Majefty's not being able to comply with them; and whilst I have the honour to have a feat in this house, I fhall always be ready to give my testimony against our refolving to defire any thing of his Majelly by an addrefs, which I I think he cannot, confiftently with the honour of his crown, or the intereft of his kingdoms, fully comply with. From what I have faid, Sir, I hope every Gentleman will fee, that there is a great difference between the addreffes we have agreed to, and the two addreffes now propofed. By the former, we defire nothing of his Majefty, at least fo far as we can comprehend, but what he may comply with, without promulgating the fecrets of his government, or running the rifk of defeating those negotiations he is carrying on, for fecuring the trade and navigation of his kingdoms. By the latter we are to defire of his Majefty, what I think I have fhewn he cannot, in all probability, fafely comply with. This is the proper diftinction between the addreffes we have agreed to, and the addreffes now propofed; and every Gentleman that makes this diftinction, may eafily fee a good reafon for his giving a negative to the latter, notwithstanding his having given his affent to the former; for all those who think there is any thing defired by the addreffes now propofed, which his Majeity cannot fafely comply with, muft, I think, in duty to their Sovereign, give their negative to the question. I fhall conclude with obferving, Sir, that it would be highly imprudent in us at prefent, to prefent any addrefs that his Majefty could not fully comply with. For if foreign courts, and particularly the court of Spain, fhould be informed, that the parliament had begun to prefent addreffes which the King could not comply with; if they should hear that his Majefty had, in the leaft article, refufed to comply with the request of his parliament: they would immediately begin to prefume, that a breach was to enfue between King and parliament. They would then begin to believe, that there is fome truth in what they have fo often been told, by the libels fpread about in this kingdom; that the people of this kingdom are a divided people; that they are difaffected to their Sovereign; and that the parliament have now begun to do, what they have often done, what I hope they will always do, when there is a juft occafion, which I am fure is far from being the cafe at prefent; I mean, that the parliament had begun to efpoufe the caufe of the people, against the King and his minifters. This prefumption, Sir, would make not only the court of Spain, but every court we have any dif ference with, lefs pliable, or more unreasonable than they are at prefent; and at the fame time, it would give the other courts of Europe fuch a contemptible opinion of us, as would of course prevent their joining in any alliance with us; by which means, we would render it not only impracticable to obtain fatisfaction from the court of Spain by fair means, but impoffible to obtain it by force of arms: and as this would be one of the most unfortunate fituations this nation could be reduced to, I am fure every Gentleman that has a regard for his native country, and views the queftion now before us in this light, will join with me in putting the negative upon it. The only other speech I fhall give you upon this fubject, is that of M. Cato, who Spoke in fubflance thus. I Mr. President, if in pultenry 'With his Majefty's name were not fo much made ufe of in this houfe, as it ufually is. Some Gentlemen feem to affect talking in his Majesty's name, of every publick meafure that happens to be mentioned in this house, tho' they know that when we enquire into any pu blick measure, or into the management of any publick tranfaction, we enquire into it, and we pafs our judgment upon it, as a thing done, not by his Majesty, but by his minifters. Therefore, I with they would alter a little their manner of talking, and instead of the word Ma jefy, make ufe of the word minifters, or, if they pleafe, minifier. If they should fay now, for example, in the prefent cafe, that we ought never to defire any thing of the miniller, which we think he cannot fafely comply with; it would be a more proper manner of expreffing themselves, and more conformable to the rules of proceeding in parliament, than to fay, that we ought never to defire any thing of his Majefty, which we think think he cannot fafely comply with: and I must leave it to Gentlemen to confider, what fort of a parliamentary maxim it would be, to refolve, that when we find ourselves obliged, when the unfortunate ftate the nation is in makes it neceflary for us, to take an affair into confideration before it is finally concluded, we ought never to call for any papers upon fuch an occafion, but to leave it entirely to the minifter, to lay, or order fuch papers to be laid before us, as he knew he might fafely communicate to those whofe bufinefs it is to enquire into his conduct. This, I confefs, would be a maxim extremely convenient for ministers, and therefore I am not at all surprised to hear it come from the corner from whence it does. But, Sir, to be serious upon the fubject now before us; for, confidering the unfortunate fituation the affairs not only of this nation, but of Europe, are in at prefent, it is a fubject of as ferious a nature, as ever came before a British parliament: I must observe, that when this ho ufe refolves to take any particular and extraordinary affair into confideration, it is impoffible for his Majefty to know what papers, or other things may be neceffary for giving us a proper light into the affair. His minifters may perhaps know; but in former ages, minifters have been known to conceal induftrioufly from their Sovereign, many things they knew, and fuch as they ought in duty to have acquainted him with; and therefore our parliaments never trufted to the King's minifters for giving him information in this particular. They confidered themselves, the affair which was to come before them; they confidered what papers, or other things, would be neceffary for giving them a proper light into the affair; and if those papers were fuch as must be communicated by the crown, they addreffed his Majefty, that he would be pleafed to give directions for laying fuch or fuch papers before them. It is therefore from the addreffes of this houfe only, that his Majefty can know what papers may be neceffary to be laid before us upon any fuch occafion; and, when his Majefty fees what we addrefs for, he may then judge, whether the papers called for, or any of them, be fuchas ought not to be made publick. I fay, Sir, his Majefty may, upon feeing our addrefs, judge whether any of the papers we call for be fuch as ought not to be made publick; but, fuppofe his Majefty judges that fome of them are of fuch a nature, this is no reason for not laying them before parliament, if they be fuch as either house thinks neceffary for giving them a proper light into the affair under their confideration. Upon fuch occafions, his Majefty may order fuch papers as contain no fecrets, to be laid before the house; and he may at the fame time acquaint them, that there are others which ought not to be made publick: in which case, the house may, if it pleases, appoint a fecret committee, and defire that those papers that ought not to be made publick, may be laid before their committee; which committee extracts from those papers fuch things only as are neceffary for the information of the house, with relation to the affair then under confideration, without mentioning or divulging any of thofe things that ought to be kept fecret. By this means, Sir, the house may have full information with respect to any affair they are to pafs judgment upon, or give their opinion of, without the leaft danger of expofing the fecrets of the government; for no strangers are ever allowed to be prefent in any fecret committee, not even members of the house unless they are of the committee: and, I hope it will not be faid, that there may not be found at all times in this houfe, a fet of Gentlemen that are as capable of keeping a fecret, and as incapable of betraying the fecrets of their country, as any of his Majesty's minifters; nor do I think it would be any reproach to our prefent ministers, if I fhould fay, that every Gentleman in this houfe has as greata regard for his native country, and as great a concern for its profperity, as they have. If the Hon. Gent.'s maxim were to be admitted as an established maxim for our conduct in this houfe, we could ne ver addrefs for papers relating to any publick affair that had been tranfacted within the fame century; for there is no publick affair but what may have, but what may probably have fome papers belonging to it that ought not to be made publick. Even fuppofe the affair we are to enquire into, were an affair finally concluded; yet there may be papers belonging to that affair, if it be fuch a one as has lately happened, which relate to fome affairs then upon the anvil, and which therefore ought not then to be made publick. At this rate, Sir, we must always leave it entirely to his Majefty, that is to fay, to his Majefty's minifters, to lay no papers before us but fuch as they think may be fafely communicated to parliament: in which cafe, every one must fee, that we could never enquire into the conduct of any minifter, while he continues a favourite of the crown; for no minifter will ever think it fafe to lay any paper before parliament, that may lay a foundation for, or may any way fupport an accufation against himself; and, upon this maxim, he would always have an excufe for not laying fuch papers before parliament, by faying, that they contain fecrets relating to fome affair in agitation, which must not be discovered till that affair is brought to a conclufion. This fhews, Sir, how ridiculous it would be to establish fuch a maxim, and therefore, I hope we fhall continue to follow the ancient maxim of this house, which has always been, to call for all fuch papers as we thought might contribute towards giving us a full and perfect knowledge of the affair we were to enquire into, without regarding whether or no the papers we thought neceffary for this purpose were fuch as might probably contain fome fecrets of ftate. If any of them are of fuch a nature, we may appoint a fecret committee for examining into them, and reporting fuch parts of them as are neceffary for our information; but, till his Majefty has acquainted us that fome of them are of fuch a nature, we have no occafion for appointing fuch a committee. This therefore can be no objecti I on against our addreffing for all or any of the papers now proposed to be addreffed for: but, for my own part, cannot fo much as imagine, that there are any important fecrets, I mean fuch as the honour or intereft of the nation is concerned in keeping secret; I fay, I cannot imagine, that there are any fuch in our late negotiations with Spain, or in any of our late tranfactions rela ting to the Spanish depredations. I am fure they have made no fecret of the claims they have lately fet up againft us, nor of the infults they have put upon us: on the contrary, they feem to be fond of publishing them, that the world may know how contemptuoully they have used us. I do not know but that there may be fome fecrets that ought to be difcovered, fecrets, in the difcovering of which, both the honour and intereit of the nation may be deeply concerned; but this furely can be argument against our calling for papers by which fuch a discovery may be made: and, if any of the papers now called for can be fuppofed to contain fecrets of fuch a nature, it is a strong argument for agreeing to the motion; for, without fuch an addrefs, we can hardly expect to have them laid before us. If a prefumption, that the papers to be called for were fuch as ought not to be made publick, fhould be allowed to be an objection of any weight against the refolutions now proposed, it must be allowed, Sir, that it was an objection of equal weight against every refolution we have agreed to. If the Governors of our plantations, or any Commander in chief, or Captains of his Majesty's fhips of war, had any inftructions about a defign that was to have been executed againit the Spaniards, in cafe they had not agreed to this convention; may not we as reasonably fuppofe, that in fome of the letters received from them, thofe inftructions are referred to, or recited, as we can fuppofe that the memorials, reprefentations, or anfwers of the court of Spain, are referred to, or recited, in thofe which we fent to that court? And, if those letters bear any fuch reference or recital, will not the laying them be fore ees ་ང ma fore this houfe discover our designs to the Spanish court, as much as if the instructions themselves were laid before us? If our negotiators at the court of Spain had private as well as publick inftructions, must not the letters received from them relate to their private as well as publick inftructions? and will not the laying those letters before us, as much discover their private inftructions, as if those private inftructions themselves were laid before us? Therefore, if we were never to addrefs for any papers, but fuch as, we are certain, may be fafely made publick, we ought not to have add reffed for thofe papers we have already refolved to addrefs for; but this can be no reafon against our addreffing for papers of any kind: there can be no reafon against our addreffing for all papers that are neceflary for discovering to the bottom any affair we have refolved to enquire into, except that of the risk fome people may run by a fintere and thorough enquiry. As the late convention with Spain, Sir, was intended, or ought to have been intended, for obtaining a proper fatisfaAtion for the infults we have met with, full reparation for the loffes our injured merchants and feamen have fuffered, and effectual fecurity for our trade and navigation in time to come, it is impoffible for us to form any right or mature judgment of that convention, without feeing all papers that any way relate to the Spanish depredations. Can we de termine what may be thought a proper fatisfaction for the infults we have met with, without knowing what those infults are? can we determine what may be thought a full reparation for the loffes our merchants and feamen have fuftained, without knowing what thofe Ioffes are? or can we determine what may be thought an effectual fecurity for our trade and navigation in time to come, without knowing all the preten ces the Spaniards have fet up for disturbing them, and what foundation they have for all or any of these pretences? and, can we come at a fufficient knowIedge in either of these refpects, without perufing and examining all the pa pers upon the fubject? Therefore, if we have a mind to go to the bottom of this affair, which it is highly neceffary we fhould; if we have a mind to do a ny thing more than read over, and blindly approve of this convention, we must have laid before us all the papers we have already refolved to addrefs for, together with thofe now proposed to be addreffed for; and, when we have seen them, we may from thence find it neceffary to addrefs for fome others; but, in order to judge of the convention, it cannot be neceffary for us to enquire into all the negotiations we have lately had with every other power in Europe. Indeed, if upon enquiry it fhould appear, that this convention is both dif honourable and difadvantageous for this nation; if it fhould appear, that we have thereby got no fatisfaction, nor fo much as the promife of fatisfaction for any one infult that has been put upon us; if it fhould appear, that we have not got a full reparation, nor fo much as the promife of a full reparation, for the loffes our merchants and feamen have fuftained; if it fhould appear, that we have got no fecurity, nor fo much as the promife of any fecurity, for our trade and navigation in time to come: it would then, Sir, be incumbent upon us, to appoint a day for refolving into a committee to take the state of the nation into our confideration; and, in that cafe, I fhall grant, that it would be neceffary for us to addrefs his Majefty, that he would be pleased to give diretions for laying before a fecret committee to be appointed for that purpofe, a full and exact account of all our late negotiations; in order that we might have a full view of the circumftances the nation is in, not only with respect to its domeftick affairs, but alfo with refpect to foreign affairs. Without fuch a view, it would be impoffible for this houfe to come to any proper refolutions, or to give his Majesty any proper advice. If the nation has been brought into fuch distress, as to be obliged to accept of such a dishonourable and difadvantageous treaty, rather than attempt to vindicate our honour and 3 F our |