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CRAFTSMAN, Feb. 3. Confiderations upon the danger of a Standing Army in a Free Nation; and the erection of Barracks in the neighbourbood of London.

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HE dangers, mifchiefs, and oppreffions of a numerous flanding army, in time of peace, have been so often and fo fully explain'd, both within doors, and without, for above forty years paft, that it may seem needlefs and impertinent to trouble the reader with any thing farther on that head: but every day's experience furnishes us with fomething new upon it, and makes it neceffary to inculcate the fame doctrines of liberty, which we have always afferted, into the minds of the people, (efpecially at this time of the year;) left long ufe and cuflom Thould familiarize them to a military force, and fubdue their ancient fpirit, as it hath already done in most other countries.

A numerous ftanding army cannot poffibly be of more than three ufes; that , to protect the people against their foreign enemies; to quell domeftick infurrections; or to introduce and support an arbitrary government.

As to the firft, No body can pretend that our prefent army hath been of any ufe to us, for twenty years paft; and in whatever state of embroilment the nation may be, from the multiplicity of our treaties, and the meafures we have long been pursuing, the prefent intereft of England requires no intervention of a land-force to guard and fupport it.

Secondly, By domeftick infurrections I do not mean every little riot, or tumult,

which does not arife from any particular difaffection to his Majefty, and might be eafily fuppreffed by the civil magiftrate; but a general rebellion, or infurrection, which is manifeftly defigned to fubvert our laws, religion and liberties: though I cannot conceal my opinion, that this feems to be the crifis of the prefent government; it being now almost doubtful whether a tumultuous rabble, or a military force, are to get the better. In either cafe, we are undone; which is a melancholy confideration to all perfons, who wish well to this government, or to any government, when they fee fuch a difpofition in the common people to throw off all reftraints of law. Neither can I think that an army is neceffary, or proper, to awe the freedom of elections, or to influence our legal diverfions; much less to protect a parcel of foreign vagrants, who came over hither and made an audacious attempt, against law, to debauch the minds and morals of the people.

Thirdly, Though a large body of regu lar, mercenary troops is certainly neceffary to fupport or introduce an arbitrary government, there can be no occafion for it under his prefent most gracious Majefty, whofe title is founded on the principles of liberty, and I hope will be always established in the hearts and affeEtions of his people. We may therefore affure ourselves that the army is not kept up with any fuch iniquitous defign.

But it may be fuggefted, perhaps, that a ftanding army hath been fometimes maintained for another reason, befides thofe I have mentioned; that is, to fupport an odious minifter in the execution I

of

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of his wicked schemes and projects: tho' I am fure the prefent advocates for military power will not infift upon this argument, in favour of their patron; whofe measures have been fo wifely conducted, and his adminiftration grown fo popular, that they have often afferted all oppofition and difcontent to be, in a manner, at an end.

What reason then can there be for keeping up fuch a number of forces, at this time I cannot poffibly think of but one, which was started fome years ago, by a Right Honourable Gentleman, that our very fecurity is our greateft dan ger: For having amufed the nation from year to year, with an acknowledgment that a fanding army was a real grievance, unlefs in cafes of the utmoft neceffity; and that we should be relieved from it, as foon as the tranquility of Europe was fettled; which was then done, or pretended to be done: he was obliged, at last, to throw off the mask, and tell us, that no time is proper to reduce the ARMY. His words are these, as reported by his late advocate Mr. Walfingham:-While the affairs of Europe were unfettled, and dangers were threaten'd from every quarter, and on every hand, there was no temptation for any power to embroil them felves in new difficulties; but NOW there is room for ambition to look round. So that, according to this doctrine, whether the affairs of Europe are fettled, or unfettled, we are ftill to be burthen'd with the fame ftanding army, if not a greater; becaufe, forfooth, in times of peace and tranquility, there is room for AMBITION to look round.

It appears from the foregoing, that I am not for breaking the whole army, but only for reducing it to fuch a number as may be neceflary for our guards and garrisons; fince in cafe of any little tumults, it fhews a weakness in government to fly for protection to a military force.

But if we must be governed by mercenary troops, I think TWELVE THOUSAND MEN, which have been often propofed, amply fufficient for all the ends of a good government, in time of peace, and all that the minifterial writers have

hitherto thought fit to acknowledge ini favour of the prefent army.

There is likewife another army, befides these ferventeen thousand men, which lie almoft as incog as Mr. Bays's army in the Rehearsal; I mean the penfioners of Chelsea college, and the workmen in our dock-yards.-Moft of the former have been in actual service abroad; and, tho called invalids, are fitter to man garrifons, at least, than any of our new-rais'd, unfledg'd foldierets, who never faw any engagement, except in Hyde-park.-My readers will be furprized, perhaps, to fee me mention the workmen in our dock-yards, as an additimal part of our army: but, if I am not very much misinformed, they are as regularly disciplin'd, and inftructed in the ufe of arms, as any of our mercenary troops; and would be able, with the affiftance of our men of war, to prevent any fudden surprizes in the ports and harbours, to which they belong. At the revolution, the workmen at Chatham-dock, with their adzes and other tools only, drove one of King James's regular regiments out of Rochefter.

I have faid enough to prove that the prefent number of forces are unneceffary, at this juncture. But there are several other things worth obfervation, concerning the burthen and danger of such a numerous army.

In the firft place, the yearly expence to the nation, raised by parliament, to maintain thefe forces, amounts to about 700,000 7. besides arms, ammunition, &c. To this must be added another burthen upon the poor people, who are obliged to quarter them; it having been computed, that every foldier quartered upon an inn-keeper, in town or country, cöfts him near as much as he costs the government; befides the infolence, outrages, and lewd examples of debauchery and idlenefs, which they fpread through the whole nation. This hardship upon publick houses, in particular, is still more grievous fince the late act, to prevent the retailing of fpirituous liquors, especially punch; for how can it be expected that a poor inn-keeper, or aleboufe-keeper, can

afford

afford to quarter two or three impudent and bloodshed for our money; fince I refellows, who think they have authority to ufe him as they please, whilft he is debarred exercifing the most beneficial branch of his trade, for the fake of the civil-lift? Multitudes of houfes have been already fhut up on this very account; and I wish the landed gentlemen may not find fresh instances of it every quarter-day.

Perhaps, it may be owing to the diffculty of quartering, that feveral BARRACKS are already built about this metropolis, and I am told that more are intended: a fight to which this nation hath never been accustomed, and is enough to give us dreadful apprehenfions; for thefe military edifices are no lefs than garrifens in effect, where the foldiers are kept diftinct from their fellowfubjects, and converted into a fort of Janiffaries, ready to march out in a body upon any occafion. It is true, that none but the Horfe-guards have been yet affembled in this hoftile manner: but, as precedents are too frequently followed, we are not fure that it may not in time extend to the whole army; or, at least, that it may not be judged neceflary to keep a conftant camp in Hyde-park,which I look upon as the campus martius of this kingdom, where young gentlemen learn the art of war, in mock-battles and, like the ancient Romans, afford great diverfion to the spectators. Thus, again, Spithead may be properly called our naumachia, where fea-engagements were represented in the fame pacifick manner. The only difference between us is, that the Roman fhews were intend ed chiefly for diverfion, and were exhibited to the people, upon particular occafions, without any expence to them; whereas we are obliged to pay for our military fports, at a very dear rate; for befides the vaft expence of keeping thefe performers in conftant pay, which the Romans never did, it is computed that as much gun-powder hath been confumed, within taventy years paft, in field-days, reviews, and falutes, both by fea and land, as would have gone a great way towards fupporting an actual war. I cannot, indeed, fay that we have had no blows

member that, fome years ago, a poor
button-maker was fhot in Hyde-park, who
had the curiofity to fee one of thefe ra-
ree-fhews, and rafhly placed himself in
the front of the battle. An accident
of the fame kind happen'd in Queen
Anne's reign, by fpringing a fham-mine
in Bunhill-fields, where the city-militia
were representing the fiege of Lifle, by
which feveral perfons were dangerously
wounded. I am likewise told that fe
veral big-belly'd women have been frigh-
ten'd into miscarriages, by vollies of fire-
arms, as they were innocently paffing
through Hyde-park, not fufpecting to
meet with a battle there: And I myself
have more than once been in danger of
breaking my neck, by the fame means;
my fober nag not being used to fuch
martial entertainments. But that, in-
deed, would have been of but very little
confequence to the publick, and much
lefs to the adminiftration, or myself, fince
it would have faved us both a great deal
of trouble and expence.
To return,
and be ferious :

This affair of barracks is an innova-
tion, which certainly deferves the no-
tice and animadverfion of parliament ↓
left it fhould grow upon us by degrees,
as it feems to do, and establish a mili-
tary power abfolutely distinct from the
civil power, and independent of it.-
I can never take a little walk to Mary-
bone, without thinking myself in an
enemy's country; or, at least, that there
is a rebellion or civil war in the nation,

This new erection of barracks, is the more unneceffary, because there is always one battallion, at least, kept as a garrifon in the Tower, and another in the Savoy, which are certainly fufficient to quell any little riots, at either end of the town. -But thefe new barracks look as if the whole city was to be surrounded with them.

The foldiery, both officers and private men, are already too much diftinguifh'd from the rest of the people, as I have formerly obferved; being train'd up in different principles, and fubject to different laws, Befides, the military punish

I 2

ments

ments are fo fevere, and the execution of them fo fudden, that they are extremely dangerous to our liberties and conftitution; for it is held a maxim in military difcipline, that SUBORDINATION is abfolutely neceffary, and that no INFERIOR OFFICER is allow'd, upon any occafion, to disobey the commands of his SUPERIOR.

There cannot be a ftronger inftance of this than a conversation which happen'd, feveral years ago, between fome gentlemen of the army, upon the fame fubject. One of them, who happen'd to be the fuperior officer in company (for they all belong'd to the fame regiment) ftarted an argument, How far foldiers were oblig'd to obey orders; and whether there were not fome cafes, in which they might legally refuse them? To which the others reply'd, By no means. What, faid the first, fhould I command any of you to kill a man, without any reafon, would you obey me?-No doubt, faid the others.-Suppose again, reply'd the firft, that I fhould order you to betray your poft, or revolt; what would you do in that cafe?Why, obey your commands, faid they all: for the crime would not be ours, whose duty it is to purfue our orders; but yours, who gave them.-Well then, fays the honest officer to one of them, I command you, Sir, to put this barrel of gun-powder, which was then near at hand, into the fire.—The brave, but too obfequious fubaltern, (thinking it his duty, upon the principles of military difcipline) immediately fnatch'd up the barrel, and clapt it upon the grate; which the reader will naturally conclude put the whole company into no fmall confternation. But the commanding officer had the prefence of mind to order his inferior to take the gun-powder off the fire again, when the barrel was almost burnt thro'; which he did, in the most undaunted manner, and stampt out the flames with his feet.

If this is military law and difcipline, is it not a melancholy and terrible confideration? Is it not like the tame fubmiffion of a Turkish Vizier, or Bafaw, who fervilely kiffes the Grand Sei

gnior's letter, that orders him to be firangled or beheaded?

But it is to be hoped, that experience hath, in a good measure, already exploded thefe paffive principles. And fince I have mentioned the Turks, I must take the liberty to obferve how cautious all Princes ought to be of difobliging a numerous body of mercenary troops, in diftinct bodies: for though they may be ready and willing enough to keep the reft of the people, from whom they are feparated, in absolute subjection, whilft they are in good humour; yet, upon the leaft difguft, no body of people, upon the face of the earth, are fo apt to take fire, and turn upon their mafters.This is not only the cafe of Turkey, where no revolution can be effected, without the aid of the Janiffaries; nor of other arbitrary countries, where large mercenary armies are kept up: but we have too many examples of it in the hiftory of our own country.-The army rais'd by the parliament, against King Charles I. kick'd that very parliament. out of doors.-The fame army afterwards made a bold attempt to destroy Oliver Cromwel, and would have done it, had not his invincible fpirit fupprefs'd the mutiny, to the imminent danger of his own life.happy revolution was, in a great measure, owing to King James II.'s difobliging his army, by clogging it with Irish of ficers, and putting them over the heads of Englishmen. This is the most mortifying thing in the world to gentlemen of the fword; and I leave it confideration of those, whom it concerns, whether putting young officers, without any military pretenfions, over the heads of old, experienc'd ones, who have borne the beat and burthen of the day, when their country's cause requir'd it, may not be attended with bad confequences?

The late

I fhall conclude this paper with one obfervation more, which I likewife think deferves the enquiry of parliament; and that is, how the profits of VACANT REGIMENTS and MILITARY GOVERNMENTS are apply'd. We have lately had

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