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fit of illness, he was obliged in 1652 to repair to Bath. Upon his recovery, he set out again for Scotland, as one of the Commissioners for uniting that kingdom with the newly erected English Commonwealth; a function, which he discharged with ability and success.

The Dutch war having now continued for some, months, Monk on the death of Popham was joined with the Admirals Blake and Dean in the command at sea; and by his courage and conduct contributed greatly to the decisive victories of the second of June and the thirty first of July, 1653. At a public entertainment given subsequently to a thanksgiving for the latter, Cromwell with his own hand placed a gold chain round the General's neck.

Being declared Protector however that same year, that Usurper concluded a peace on terms so favourable to the enemy that Monk, who lay with his fleet off the coast of Holland, remonstrated against their being carried into effect. Those remonstrances were so favourably entertained by Barebones' Parliament,' and Monk on his return was received by them with so much kindness, that Cromwell closeted him, to find whether he was inclined to any other interest. The result of their conference was so satisfactory, that upon the breaking out of fresh troubles in the north of Scotland, where the Marquis of Athol, the Earl of Glencairn, and several others had raised forces on behalf of Charles II., he sent him thither Commander in Chief, in April 1654.

Arriving at Leith, Monk despatched Colonel Morgan with a large detachment against the Royalists: and after proclaiming the Protector at Edinburgh, fol

lowed himself with the rest of the forces. By his prudent management, the war was brought to a conclusion in August: upon which he returned from the Highlands, and fixed his abode for the five ensuing years at Dalkeith, a seat belonging to the Countess of Buccleugh; amusing himself with the pleasures of a rural life, and exercising his authority not only as Commander in Chief, but also as one of the Council of State for Scotland. It's other members indeed, on account of his great popularity, paid such implicit obedience to his orders, that the Protector frequently conceived suspicions of his views. Nor was this distrust groundless. The King certainly entertained good hopes of him, as may be inferred from the following letter,* dated Collen, Aug. 12, 1655:

"One, who believes he knows your nature and inclinations very well, assures me that, notwithstanding all ill accidents and misfortunes, you retain still your old affection to me, and resolve to express it upon the seasonable opportunity, which is as much

* Of this letter, says Barwick in his Life of his brother Dean Barwick," Illustrissimus princeps Christophorus Dux Albemarliæ ostendere mihi literas dignatus est ad patrem suum in Scotiâ imperantem, quadriennio saltem ante regnum restitutum à Serenissimo Rege datas, et ipsâ regiâ manu exaratas, in quibus seriò monuit, ut vir illustrissimus id unicè curaret, ne se Cromwelli artibus è Scotia divelli pateretur; cætera de ejus fide atque obsequio, quâ datâ opportunitate, præstando minimè dubius. Has ille literas inter lectissima reposuit. Scribenti tamen nihil rescripsisse visus est; omninò satius et in isto rerum discrimine omninò tutius existimans, heroico aliquo facinore quàm nudis et jejunis verbis respondere. Ex hac tamen alta et perpetuâ taciturnitate dubia illa, de quibus suprà diximus, procul omni dubio ortum Sortiebantur." (pp. 186, 187.)

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as I look for from you. We must all wait patiently for that opportunity, which may be offered sooner than we expect: when it is, let it find you ready; and in the mean time have a care to keep yourself out of their hands, who know the hurt you can do them in a good conjuncture, and can never but suspect your affection to be, as I am confident it is, toward

Your very affectionate friend,

CHARLES, R."

Monk, however, made no scruple of discovering every step taken by the Cavaliers which came to his knowledge, even sending to the Protector this very letter, and promoting addresses to him from the army in Scotland. In 1657, he received a summons to the new House of Lords. From this period to Oliver's death, he maintained Scotland in subjection, simply occupied in carrying his instructions punctually into effect. In pursuance of this system, he proclaimed Richard Cromwell Protector, though he very probably foresaw that his power would have but a short duration; as in his judgement even the father, had he lived much longer, would scarcely have been able to retain his high station. And indeed Cromwell himself had begun to suspect, not only the impending change, but also it's great instrument, if we may judge from the postcript of a letter written by him to Monk a short time before his death:

"There be that tell me, that there is a certain cunning fellow in Scotland, called George Monk, who is said to lie in wait there to introduce Charles

Stuart. I pray you, use your diligence to apprehend him, and send him up to me."

As he was informed however, by Richard's direction, that the late Protector had expressly charged his successor to do nothing without his advice, Monk recommended to him to encourage a learned, pious, moderate, ministry in the church; to permit no Councils of Officers, a liberty too frequently abused by persons of that description; to call a parliament; and to endeavour to render himself master of the army?'

Richard Cromwell was acknowledged by all orders of men in the three kingdoms: he received above ninety Addresses from the counties and considerable corporations of England; and the foreign ministers vied with each other in compliments, congratulating him upon his succession. But this was all mere statecraft, to gain time for the different parties to form their respective arrangements. The new Protector, of a different complexion from his father, would rather have lost ten kingdoms, than have won or maintained one by the sword. The army, long accustomed to a share in the government, dreaded a diminution of their power under a more pacific ruler; the republicans thought it a proper crisis to shake off the yoke of an authority, which they had found more oppressive than royalty itself; and a

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On leaving Whitehall, he gave strict orders to his servants to be very careful of the two old trunks standing in his wardrobe, in which those Addresses were contained;' telling a friend, that they held no less than the Lives and Fortunes of all the good people of England!' Those addresses, several of which farther proffered "all that was near and dear to them," he bequeathed to his friends. The practice of addressing, it may be remarked, commenced at his accession.

third party equally detesting the protectorship, the army, and republicanism, wished for the restoration of Charles II. With these jarring interests secretly at work, it is no wonder that Richard's first national assembly, consisting of a Lower and an Upper House, quarrelled on the subjects of superiority and privilege, or that they attempted to lessen the power of the army, by which they brought on their own dissolution. The Council of Officers assumed the supreme authority in May 1659, after they had compelled their Governor to dissolve the parliament; re-assembled the remnants of the Long Parliament; declared their intention of ruling without any Protector, or King, or House of Peers; and appointed a Committee of Safety, who ordered all writs and patents to run, as at the first establishment of the Republic, in the names of the Keepers of the Three Nations. Richard, who saw his uncle Desborough and his brother Fleetwood engaged in this plan of government, and might perhaps have maintained his station by consigning them to the assassin's dagger, quietly gave in a list of his debts, and desired to live guiltless of his country's blood' in dutiful obedience to the Commonwealth.*

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* The formal abdication of Richard, which eminently exhibits the contrast of his character with that of his father, is printed by Beloe in his Anecdotes of Literature' (II. 425–429) from a loose single sheet, in which mention is made of a schedule of his debts (apparently printed along with it) amounting, as ap pears from the Journals of the House of Commons, which however are frequently very faulty, to 29,640l. See Noble's Cromwell, I. 333. Not. VV.

"His Late Highness' LETTER to the PARLIAMENT Of

ENGLAND,

"Showing his Willingness to submit to this Present Govern

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