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From the United Service Magazine.

edy was to send out in 1820 several thousand EngTHE CONVICT QUESTION AT THE CAPE OF lish emigrants at the expense of government. GOOD HOPE.

These poor people were deluded into the belief Sir W. MOLESworth has in the House of of being allowed to settle at the spot of their deCommons so fully expatiated on the misgovern- barcation on the shores of Algoa Bay ; on arrivment and manifold grievances of which the British ing there, to their consternation they discovered colonies have so long, and with so much reason, that they were to be sent—at their own expense complained, that it would be superfluous here to - far into the interior, to act as a barrier, or sort recapitulate what has been by him so ably and so of advanced guard to the colony, against the coneloquently described.

stantly renewed aggressions of a set of cruel and But whatever may be the wrongs inflicted on blood-thirsty savages ! our unhappy colonial dependencies, by official ig This was rather a pleasant predicament for a norance, official blunders, or official indifference, community of peaceful mechanics and laborers to the colony of the Cape of Good Hope is, of all find themselves thus suddenly placed in ! our foreign settlements, that which has ever been It will, no doubt, be taken for granted, that doomed to bear the greatest proportion of neglect, they were, in so perilous a position, fully protectof grievances, hardships, and oppression. · ed by a watchful and paternal government, both

Hemmed in on all sides by hordes of savage in rights and persons, against their barbarous barbarians-inadequately guarded, and frequently neighbors ; quite the contrary—they were left without any protection whatever from the ever- entirely to the tender mercies of this so-called recurring depredations of these sanguinary tribes ; gentle and inoffensive race of shepherds,” who neglected and overlooked, misgoverned, detracted, plundered our poor countrymen right and left, and calumniated, its inhabitants have, from the whilst the latter were by the most stringent reguvery first period of its annexation to the British lations debarred from even the use of fire-arms in empire, been in turns the prey of fanaticism and the defence of their persons and property ! of falsehood ; of unmerited censure, and the most Did they not complain? They did. Were heartless system of oppression-a system now not their complaints listened to? No. And carried to an extent likely to exceed even the wherefore ? Because a set of interested and wily limits of the forbearing patience of its-spite of hypocrites had, under the specious cloak of retheir wrongs—hitherto loyal and dutiful inhabi- ligion and philanthropy, gained the ear of the

British public, and British authorities. Because Cast we a retrospective glance on the condition these mendacious traitors had aspersed with vile of the Cape, from the date of its annexation as a calumnies their injured fellow-countrymen, had dependency to the British empire ; our first act represented their spoliators, these “irreclaimable to commence with was so to oppress the Boers, Kaffir barbarians," as more sinned against than and leave them so completely exposed to native sinning, and had thus succeeded in turning the depredations, as at last to drive them in despair current of public opinion decidedly in the latter ; to open rebellion. This outbreak subdued, we the colonists continued therefore to be plundered next proceeded to frame such puerile enactments without redress. as appeared purposely intended for the encourage And what was the consequence of this “phiment of Kaffir aggression. We next passed an lanthropic” forbearance on the part of the British act by which all wholesome restraint was removed government towards these banditti hordes of savfrom an unruly, idle, and vagrant native popula- ages? The consequence was, that the Kaffirs, tion ; a measure which rendered property inse- mistaking such forbearance for fear, looking with cure, and moreover deteriorated in value, for want contempt on a power from whose functionaries of requisite labor, the hitherto cultivated lands of constantly emanated the most childish, contradicthe colony ; but that deterioration was tenfold de- tory, and vacillating edicts, openly set that power preciated by the premature emancipation of the at defiance, and, without even a declaration of slaves, without any adequate compensation to their war, rushed in overwhelming numbers across the former owners; an act neither more nor less than border, their onward course fearfully marked by a legalized felony, which brought to the verge of incendiarism, slaughter, and devastation. Hence ruin every landed proprietor in the country. the Kaffir war of 1834-5, followed by a renewed

But all these oppressive enactments had hither- series of missionary misrepresentations, of conseto chiefly weighed on the Dutch colonial inhabi- quent false and injudicious measures on the part tants; it now became the turn of British-born of government, the result of which eventually led subjects equally to participate in those evils, to the last ruinous Kaffir war of 1846–47, and 48; which, under our rule, appear ever to have op-next followed a renewed persecution of the expapressed this ill-fated colony.

triated Boers, and lastly that most flagrant of all The Eastern Province had, from the above- former acts of injustice and oppression—the unmentioned causes, been deserted by its former just and unauthorized decree, which, if carried sturdy defenders, the Dutch Boers; the colony out, would eventually transform an innocent, a was now therefore laid open without defence to rural, and inoffensive population, into a race of the depredations of the Kaffirs—the urgency of felonious malefactors; for moral, like physical the case required some instant remedy; that rem-contamination, once communicated, speedily runs






LOUIS PHILIPPE ON GOVERNMENT. through every part of the social as well as of the 200 years' standing, into a convict settlement, in human frame !

defiance of the universal protest of the inhabitants. Such is the fate at present—like the sword of No such power is inherent in the British crown. Damocles—impending over this ever ill-used and

It is a usurpation. much-to-be-pitied colony. Let England however beware ; let her pause ere she carry into effect so the remotest generations, as a matter of eternal life,

They regard it with respect to their children, to flagitious a decree, for persecution may be urged and eternal death. They will not witness with their at last beyond the powers of human endurance ; eyes the children of their love, through the extinceven the writhing insect will turn on the heel that tion of their moral life, delivered over, by an act crushes it; the submission of the hitherto loyal of their rulers, to the bitter pains of eternal death. and dutiful inhabitants of the Cape may be tested They, therefore, lift up their hands to heaven, and by too high a degree of pressure; they have now

swear by Him that liveth forever, that they will not

submit to this wrong. solemnly declared their resolution not to submit, whatever be the consequences, to this new and

Let, therefore, the minister—from whom has greatest indignity with which, amidst their mani- emanated such an act-pause, ere it be carried fold wrongs, they have ever had the misfortune to forcibly into effect ; let him, ere too late, rescind be afflicted ; to a contamination by which, not this unjust, this arbitrary, this most ill-advised they alone will be immediate sufferers, but involv- decree ; for on his head will rest all the conseing likewise the fate of a rising generation, and quences which may ensue, if the inhabitants of of their still unborn posterity, thus doomed, by a the Cape be driven to commit some frantic act of single stroke of an official pen, at once to physical despair. degradation and moral perdition. This resolution has been passed at a monster

From the Spectator, 8 Sept. meeting held at Cape Town on the 19th of May

LOUIS PHILIPPE ON GOVERNMENT. Jast, a meeting consisting of thousands of inhabi Everything is true in its essence; falsehood tants of every class and color of which the colony lies in our imperfect knowledge. Louis Philippe's is composed, and directed, moreover, by one of the self-defence, as published in the Ordre, may be most respectable and influential men of the colony. adulterated by error in the report, by self-decep

The organ of popular opinion at the Cape thus tion on the king's part, or by the endeavor to give notices the sentiments expressed at this-it may facts a twist in his own favor ; still it is instrucbe called—national assembly of the people of tive ; for much of it is too probable to permit entire South Africa.

disbelief; and, by whomsoever put into words, the

reflections are sound. Taking it as we find it, the Three hundred felons, convicted of crimes for which the mitigated code of England awards the moral which we draw from it is, that the want of extreme penalty of transportation beyond the seas, openness and directness, which was commended as for the term of seven, ten, or more years, are al- a source of power in comparatively barbarous ready on their way to the Cape, here to be dispersed times, has ceased to be so, and now really derogates throughout the districts, to mingle with the popula- from the strength of political rulers.

This contion, and to find their way to such fields of enter- clusion is suggested, whether we put implicit trust prize among the native tribes on the borders of the in the colloquy or not. colony, the Kaffirs, Basutos, and Zoolahs, as may be most agreeable to their temper and genius!

The king avers that he governed “constituAnd should the colonial government permit them tionally,"—that is, by the advice of his ministers, to land, at any port or place within this colony, and not according to his own individual will; but they will, without doubt, be only the advanced the very arguments which he adduces to prove it guard of an invading army of as many thousands. show that he was much more active in council than This colony, then, which has hitherto resisted all an English sovereign is understood to be.

He attempts that have been made to stain its character, intimates that he, with the rest, submitted to “the to pollute its domestic life, and to blast its political prospects, by the admixture of European felony, is majority” in council, but that he urged his own thus to be recklessly struck down at a blow, by the views with extreme energy and pertinacity. Thus secretary for the colonies, into the mire of despair he wished an authoritative contradiction to the and ignominy! The colonists are now fully ac- tradition of 1830, that some programme offered to quainted with the moral fruits of transportation in him by Lafayette at the Hotel de Ville received penal settlements, completely developed in Van his assent; there was, he insists, no such docuDieman's Land and Norfolk Island, from which a ment; and he drew up a denial, under the signacry of agony has issued, befitting the lowest depths of eternal woe. And they know that from the pe

ture of “Un Bourgeois de Paris," which he wanted culiar constitution of society in this colony, and to publish in the papers. Imagine Queen Victoria among the tribes beyond, but in constant and daily sending to the Times her version of the Bedchamincreasing intercourse with it, the introduction and ber affair, and offering to the right honorable gendispersion of felons will speedily open up a lower tlemen in council an autograph letter, signed “A depth, to swallow up all that is estimable, all that Westminster Elector !" is desirable, all that is hopeful in their lot; and article” was never published ; the cajoling min

But Louis Philippe's they now declare, in the face of heaven and earth, that they will not submit to this wrong. They deny isters put him off with assurances that the contrathe right of the crown to inflict it. They deny the diction should be made, and Casimir Perier put the right of the crown to convert a free setilement of manuscript in his pocket. How one realizes the

whole scene!-the ministers trying to rub on with-| art of statecraft; but surely the revolutions of this out any decisive declaration, and thinking more of century, in great part due to misconceptions, and some business immediately in hand; the alert, owing their worst features to ignorance, or to the pursy, clever old gentleman, with his copia ver- exasperation which attends the awaking from deluborum, and his letter of “ Un Bourgeois de Paris," sion, should teach statesmen that evasion and prealways thinking of his own reputation—the Silk varication are not half such trustworthy reliances Buckingham of royal life--the inextinguishable as plain truth and substantial fact. “ Mr. Smith." An exquisitely indiscreet man There is a great deal of force in the ground on uscript it was, no doubt; painfully true, transpar- which Louis Philippe acquits the French people ently intelligible, and astoundingly candid. But, of blame : “For eighteen years they had been says the naïve Ulysses,“ my opinions were always taught to despise, to detest the personification of opposed, and freely opposed, by those of my minis- authority, that safeguard of the people ;” because ters who did not participate in them ; and I was we may add, the authority was disguised to them consequently, when in the minority, obliged to by the equivocations of statesmen, and by the equivyield.” "This happened very frequently," not ocal demands for “ dotations.” Louis Philippe only on large questions submitted to the royal de- avers that he was not mercenary and grasping : cision, as coming within the direct exercise of the perhaps ; but while his conduct was so misrepreroyal functions, but on “minor points.” How sented as he declares it to have been by his minismuch does all this imply !-how busy a contest, ters, he should have held that he was precluded how importunate and bustling a combatant, how from asking for money. He complains that he diligent a canvassing of votes ! It is clear that was undefended, and there is something very disLouis Philippe's council was like a board of guar- gusting in the utter lack of chivalry which the dians or a common council, and that Mr. Smith was silence of his servants and professed friends imbusy as a borough magnate. Only it did un-plies. But why did he consent to act with such luckily happen, that " whenever he was on a jury, men ? why did he suffer delicate demands to be it was with eleven obstinate men."

made under circumstances so deceptive ? why seem In spite of all the possible fussiness and imprac- a trader when he was a patriot? Possibly there ticability, there is something respectable in this is something more than self-deception in this retrowish to register an appeal to facts, and this desire spective assertion ; but at all events, it

exposes for openness; and the royal ingenuousness contrasts the extent of weakness which was entailed upon favorably with the official shuffling. The king the monarchy by the want of openness and subwas exposed to calumnious attacks, and demanded stantial truth as its basis. an open explanation. The ministers, perhaps, It does appear to be true, that part of the French could not indorse the explanation ; but then, they rage against the monarchy was provoked by a should have said so, and have ceased to be minis- hatred of effective authority—a common error of ters under so unconstitutional a monarch. On the “ republicans.” They are trying to do without other hand, if the king's view was the true one, it now, and have a tyranny-King Log and King there was no reason for shirking a direct and faith- Stork in one—a log that bites—a crowned policeful exposition of it. At all events, the perpetual officer, who is accounted harmless because he is cajolery, procrastination, and evasion, expose a called “ President,” and signs the ukase which is miserably low sense of the ministerial position. handed up to him by despots underneath the throne. And was there, then, no

programme of the

Louis Philippe admits that he did agree to one Hotel de Ville," nor any equivalent for it? Either point at the Hotel de Ville ; although he disclaimed the assertion is wrong, in which case the king being “ the best of republics,”—not on any score should have been called to account for making an of modesty, but because “ the best of republics is unfounded statement, and therefore governing on a good for nothing." He consented to be " a monwrong tenure ; or the fact is so, and not only was archy surrounded by republican institutions.” the enthronement of 1830 managed in the most What does that mean? Assuredly, whatever ideas slovenly manner, but the whole subsequent reign may have been attached to the epigrammatic parawas conducted on a false and defective basis. dox, no one ever developed it in an authoritative Either the report of the colloquy makes Louis exposition. Philippe tell an untruth, or that very important And that epigrammatic paradox was all the element of stability, a clear understanding, was charter of the French nation ! altogether wanting between him, his official servants, and his people. All had different ideas, and were acting on different notions of rights and

ENGLISH REPUDIATION. mutual relations. The people thought there was, A claim is made on behalf of Nelson's represenactually or virtually, a programme; Louis Philippe tative-Horatia, now the wife of an exemplary denied its existence ; and the ministers suffered country clergyman, Mr. Ward, Vicar of Tenterden. their policy to rest on those two bases, false and Nelson left Lady Hamilton to his country, and a incompatible—the popular credulity, and the un- grateful country left her to beggary. The said uttered disclaimer; trimming between delusion grateful country accepted his services, which were and repudiation. To play these sleight-of-hand carried to the sacrifice of his life, and chose to enfeats with the truth, has been accounted a proper tertain a controversy with him on the point of mur

From the Economist.

als after his death. Lady Hamilton was tolerated 56,300,0001. At the same time, he contemplates on the deck of the ship that he was needed to com- an ordinary expenditure for 1850 of upwards of mand—nay, she was allowed to afford most mate- 47,000,0001., and an extraordinary expenditure of rial aid to his diplomacy ; but when he was gone, upwards of 60,000,0001. We admit that this sum the virtuous country, by its public servants, began is not large for a population of 35,400,000, in comto entertain scruples.

parison to the expenditure of our country, 52,000,It is a pity that this question was not settled before 0001. for a population of 28,000,000. But the reNelson committed himself to the battle of Trafalgar; sources of the two peoples must be considered, as but virtue winked at his victories. It may indeed well as what they are accustomed to. It has been esbe presumed that he would not have withheld his timated, for example—and though the estimate may sword from the cause of his country through any rest on no very accurate data, it is approximatively fear about the ultimate requital, although even correct, and may serve as a specimen of the whole Emma was to share the injury ; no doubt, he would – that the number of persons in the United Kinghave os

gone in and won,” even with he certainty dom who enjoy incomes of 401. a year and upwards of that crowning ingratitude. But, somehow, it is 2,750,000; while the number of persons who does appear to us that the absence of the man pre- enjoy incomes in France exceeding 361. is not more cludes this country from too nice an overhauling than 671,000. With a population of a fifth less of his little bill after death. It ought to have been than that of France, the number of persons whose paid in full, with a mere glance at the total. incoines are capable of contributing to the public

The debt is due still, and, luckily, there is a rep- revenues without excessive inconvenience, is four resentative of the creditor to receive the due.- times as great; and, measured by that test, the Spectator, 8 Sept.

burden of taxation in our country is much less than the burden of taxation in France. More

over, a very large part of our taxation, all that FRANCE-FINANCE.*

which pays the dividend on the national debt to M. Passy has laid before the Legislative As- English subjects, is not taken and appropriated by sembly his view of the finances of France, and it

the government for its own purposes ; it is merely is not favorable to the government of Louis Phil- collected from the whole people to be paid back ippe. “For the last ten years (is one of the first to a part of them, all the recipients being the inof his statements) the equilibrium of the budget France, which at first sight appears light in rela

dividuals who pay the taxes. The taxation of has ceased to exist. Ever since the end of 1839, there has not been a year that has not added to the tion to the number of people, is, in fact, extremely number of deficits of the treasury. For three

onerous in relation to their fortunes. years previous to 1848 the deficits have arisen from

What they have been accustomed to, seems to 100 to 162 millions, to reach in 1849 the number us a still more important consideration than the of 257 millions.” “At the end of the financial positive amount of taxation. Thus it is creditayear of 1847 the deficits that had successively served by M. Michel Chevalier, the skilfulness and

ble to our statesmen ; it marks, as has been abfallen to the charge of the treasury in eight years wisdom of our government, that a reduction of past, formed a total of 897,764,093f, and the produce of the mortgage fund had only been sufficient expenditure, after the conclusion of the peace in to cover that amount to the extent of 442,249,115f. 1815, was rapid and continual. But it was not During the same lapse of time the loan of 450 mil- so in France. The number of persons employed lions, contracted in virtue of the law of the 25th of under our government has been lessened; but both June, 1841, had been spent, and 35 millions of per

the number of persons employed under the French petual interest had been added to the grand livre. government has been augmented, and its expendiWhen the budget of 1848 was voted, it admitted as ture, in relation to the time of the great war, has a probability a deficit of 48 millions on the ordinary of the Histoire Parlementaire, the popularity of

been much increased. According to the authors service, and 169 millions on the extraordinary: the emperor was much on the wane in 1808, on This budget was in course of execution when the

account of the demands he made on the blood and revolution of February came on.” There was, then, a very rapid accumulation of debts in the treasure of the people for the aggrandizement of last ten years of the reign of Louis Philippe.

the dynasty of Napoleon. On examination, we There was also a very rapid increase of expen- by taxation to serve the purposes of the dynasties

shall find that the people have been more tormented diture. According to Mr. Porter's tables, the expenditure was, in 1829, 40,596,5771., in 1830,

of the Bourbons, or keep up a great and mistaken 43,805,6811., and it jumped up in 1831 to 48,584,- system in which the sovereigns had no personal 4391. It went down in 1834 to 42,542,3771.; but interest, than ever they were, with the exception it subsequently increased, till it reached, in 1848,

of the three last years of the empire, under Boaccording to Mr. M'Culloch, the sum of 54,400,- and resources of France, subsequent to his time,

naparte. Though the increase of population 0001. According to M. Passy, the ordinary ex

might have warranted some increase of expendipenses of 1849 will not exceed 1,408,776,384f., or * This is the article to which the readers of the Living ment that the average of the taxes levied on the

ture, our readers will perhaps learn with astonishAge were referred, in connection with that from the Times on Mr. Gurney's speech, in No. 232.

French under Louis Philippe was nearly three

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