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times as great as the average of the taxes they had In 1807, when France had 130 departments, the to pay under the emperor. We will quote the expense of the Ministry of the Interior was 740,statement from a work entitled “France : her 273f; it is now, when the number of departments Governmental, Administrative, and Social Organi

is only 86, threefold. Under the Empire, there

were in the ministry four chiefs of departments ; in zation,” published in 1844 :

1819, six; in 1823, seven; in 1824, eight; and The average of the taxes levied upon the eighty

now (1845) M. Duchatel has under his orders an six departments of France during the Empire, the under-secretary of state, a private secretary, three Restoration, and the present government, (that of directors, thirteen heads of departments, and secLouis Philippe,) is as follows:

Htions, and thirty-nine chief clerks. The number of

officials has increased more rapidly since the revoDuring the empire,

544,000,000 lution (1830.) It amounts to a fourth more than During the restoration,

950,000,000

at the period of the Restoration. The finance During the present government, 1,360,000,000

ministry, which in 1830 had 59,700 officials, has Thus, in the fifteen years of the Consulate and now more than that number by 12,890. The sev. of the Empire of Napoleon, when France was con- eral ministerial offices in Paris alone employed in stantly engaged in wars, with the exception of the 1830, 2,539 officials, with salaries of 8,836,000f.; short peace of Amiens, the total amount of contribu- and in 1844, 3,060, with salaries of 9,962,800f. : or tions paid by the eighty-six departments was 8,160,- the administration of Paris alone cost 1,126,500f. 000,000 francs; in the fifteen years of the Restora- more in 1844 than in 1830.* tion the same departments paid 14,250,000,000 It is well observed by M. Passy, “ that the francs ; and in the thirteen years of the reign of the effect of every revolution is double. It creates citizen king, they have paid 14,210,000,000 francs.

increased expenditure, and reduces receipts." But That comes down only to 1844 ; continued to we may almost be permitted to doubt whether 1848, as subsequent to 1844 the expense was such acute and terrible squandering as that of M. much increased, the comparison would be still Ledru Rollin and his associates, which, generatmore unfavorable to the government of Louis ing great alarm and confusion, must soon come to Philippe. M. Michel Chevalier, writing in 1848, an end, is on the whole more injurious than the said, “ The whole naval and military expense under continued and chronic increase of expenditure and Bonaparte in 1802 was 315 million francs ; and debt, such as characterized the last ten years of the military and naval expense in 1846, under the government of the Citizen King. Louis Philippe, exceeded 576 millions."

A great mistake is afloat as to the prosperity cept 1806," he adds, " no year of the reign of of France. The Times, for example, speaks of Napoleon, till 1811, exceeded, for military and the “expansion of the national resources under naval purposes, the expense of 1846.” But the Louis Philippe;" but if any such expansion bad increase of expense, for the civil administration, taken place, it would have shown itself by an inappears to have been greater than that for the mil- crease of the people. Whenever and wherever itary. At least, the number of persons employed national resources increase, the population inby the government is astonishingly large. The creases. Fully analyzed, it may, indeed, be said cost is said by the author of France to be 18,462,- that there is no other test of prosperity than their 1241. Mr. Herries, on the 16th ult., called the continual and permanent increase. They will public attention to the fact stated by Mr. Porter, always breed fully up to the means of subsistence, that the number of persons in the service of our and if these means be abundant, the increase will government had been reduced between 1815 and be rapid. Certainly we have seen official accounts 1835, from 27,365 to 23,500, and their salaries at of immense imports and exports, particularly exthe latter period was 2,780,0001. The number of ports ; but how much of them were sent to Algesuch persons employed in France was, in 1844, ria to supply the wants of the army, and were not less than 900,000. Including the police, the paid for out of the government expenditure, did number was 992,000, and adding the military, the not appear in the returns. Certainly, too, we government of France may be said to comprise know, from authentic sources, that while the im1,392,000 persons, or about 1-26th part of the ports and exports were assuming, at least on paper, whole population. The number of persons em- appearance of expansion, the shipping of ployed in the government of the two countries France, one index of prosperity, was declining. does not admit of an actual comparison between M. Michel Chevalier tells us that the number of England and France, because the bulk of our mu- great ships—ships of three hundred tons and upnicipal and county magistrates and officers are wards—had fallen off in nine years, betwixt either not appointed by the crown or do not receive 1837 and 1846, 21 per cent., or from 300 to 237. salaries, while all such persons are appointed di- In 1830, according to Mr. M'Culloch, the number rectly or indirectly by the crown in France. At of ships was 14,852; in 1840, 15,600 ; and 1844, the same time, it is evident that the number of 13,679. Without giving us any specific data, persons employed in administering the govern- M. Blanqui, in his recent work, Sur des Classes ment of France is much greater than is employed Ouvrieres, referred to in the Economist on June in administering the government of England. A 2d, complains loudly the decay of manufacGerman writer estimates them at fifteen times as tures in France, and explains at some length the many.

As a specimen of the increase in France, cause of the decline, and the deterioration in the we may quote that of the Ministry of the Inte- condition of the workmen. We have on several rior.

* Müller's Statistiches Handbach, for 1845.

an

occasions quoted from M. Thiers, Mr. M'Culloch, / with progressively increasing slowness namely, and others, statements of the alarming number of in the first 11 years, 9 per cent. ; in the next 9 years, actual paupers and of persons scarcely able to sub- less than 6 per cent. ; and in 7 years, from 1835 to sist in France. We have shown, on the authority official returns analyzed by M. Legoyt, (and quoted

1842, 3 1-10th per cent. only. According to the of Mr. M'Culloch, that not only is the agriculture by Mr. Mill,) the increase of the population, which of France extremely bad, in relation to that of from 1801 to 1806 was at the rate of 1.28 per cent. England—not only does one acre in England yield annually, averaged only 0:47 per cent. from 1806 to considerably more than two acres in France+not 1831 ; from 1831 to 1836 it averaged 0.60 per cent. ; only do two husbandmen in England supply a sur- and from 1836 to 1841, 0:41 per cent. ; and from plus of food for four other individuals, while in 1841 to 1846, 0:68 per cent. ; but M. Legoyt is of France two husbandmen only supply a surplus to 1841, and the increase between that time and 1846

opinion that the population was “ understated in feed one other person—but, bad as agriculture is consequently overstated ; and that the great increase in France, it is becoming worse. The number during the period was something intermediate of cattle and horses is falling off, and the consump-between the last two averages, and not more than tion of butcher's meat throughout the country is 1 in 200.” declining. This sad condition does not date from

The extraordinary fact then is, that the French the Revolution of 1848 ; all these facts relate to population, who were not reconciled to the waste France in the palmy and prosperous days of Louis of life and treasure which took place under BonaPhilippe, and indicate, with unerring certainty, parte by his splendid victories, then actually inthat the general malaise which M. Blanqui notices Creased in numbers, and, we must believe, increased as heralding that great storm, was a more effective

in wealth and material well-being, much faster cause of the revolution than the writing and talking than under the elder Bourbons, and faster still than of demagogues.

under Louis Philippe. It is plain from these facts We may confirm this general view by a quota- that, instead of society expanding rapidly in France, tion from Le Libre Echange of February 13, 1848. in which alone is health and safety, it was coming Unfortunately, M. Frederic Bastiat's calm and

to a dead lock before the revolution of February ; thoughtful wisdom was not appreciated by either and such is the fatal mistake of the system there the bigoted and spendthrift coercionists, who in- followed—such the error of their creed, or the persisted on carrying out their own system by forts

versity of their politicians—that the course since and nies, or their antagonists, the republicans, pursued has terribly increased the mischief. “ By who ran to the other extreme, and, in the fury of far the strangest feature in M. Passy's statement, their self-will, made a sweeping and a devastating

says

the Times, " is the total absence of any real change.

and positive proposition for the reduction of the Without speaking (said M. Bastiat) of the em- public expenditure.' The system, of which the barrassment of our finances—of which the principal principal features were an increase of expenditure source is the application of those ideas which form and debt, with no increase, if not a positive dethe system of protection-a painful languor affects all the branches of the national industry. Agricul- crease, of resources, is to be continued and aggrature vegetates, manufactures languish, our mercan

vated. M. Passy, like his colleagues, regards an tile marine dies out. Some particular branches of extension of the functions of government-and of industry suffer more than others; such, for example, course an increase of expense—as a necessary as that of the wine-growers, who complain inces- consequence of the increase of civilization. Accordsantly, and with reason ; such as the linen manufac- ing to the French theory, as men become more ture, which suffers not less, though it complains not, lest it should advocate freedom of trade, which enlightened, moral, and wise, they are less to be can alone save it. But it may be said that the evil trusted, and require more government. is general. There is not at present a single branch

We do not regard ourselves as over prosperous of industry of which the condition can be praised. in England; we complain much and justly of the It is a remarkable thing, in fact, that the distress pressure of population, but in 40 years, when the (malaise) which afflicts France extends with double French increased only 211 per cent., our population intensity to all its foreign possessions.

increased 100 per cent., or four times as much as But the most decisive test of the very slow pro- that of France ; and, what is of more importance, gress and condition of France, is the state of the it has increased, not in a retarding, but in an population. Mr. J. S. Mill, in his recent work accelerating ratio. Between 1801 and, 1811, the on political economy, says, in accordance with increase was 18:50 per cent. ; between 1831 and other authorities, that “ the census of 1806 showed 1841 it was 28.24 per cent. The population of a population of 29,107,425. In 1846, according the United States, undoubtedly the most prosperous to the census of that year, it had only increased to country of the globe, increases still faster than 35,409,486, being an increase of little more than our population, though we come nearly next to 213 per cent. in 40 years." But that increase them ; but the population of France, with two took place in a relarding ratio. It was greater exceptions, increases more slowly than any popuunder Napoleon than under the elder Bourbons, lation of the civilized world. A population that and greater under the latter than under Louis does not increase is not prosperous ; and we may Philippe. We take the proof from Mr. Mill :

find a clue to many of the disasters of France in In the 27 years, from 1815 to 1812, the population the wonderful disproportion between the increase only increased 18 per cent. ; and during that period, of the population and of the government expendi

many ambas

ture. The latter has gone on in an accelerating consequence ; for it would be absurd to suppose ratio. In forty years, the increase of the people that we could be permitted to quarrel on our own was 213 per cent.—the increase of expenditure 21 account, and that Great Britain would bear the fold, or 250 per cent. We may all mourn with brunt of the contest. the Times, as France seems likely to be the centre We say, then, that a federal union and indepenof continued convulsions in Europe, that there is dence are inseparable ; and we proceed to show to be no substantial alteration in her system and how much less advantageous that arrangement expenditure.

would be, than the union with our southern neigh

bors. From the Montreal fierald. The

expenses of government in case of a federal

union would be divided into two parts, that which CANADIAN INDEPENDENCE AND ANNEXATION.

belongs to the local or state government, and that There are a considerable number of persons, which belongs to the federal government. In who, while they admit all the evils of our present Canada at present we pay only the first set of excondition-for who does not admit what each feels penses. Great Britain pays all those other charges, in his own individual case ?—are yet indisposed which in the United States are borne by the fedto take that bold and decided step, which appears eral government, and would have to be borne by to us the only probable remedy. To these per- the federal government in case of a union with the sons the nostrum of a federal union with the sister provinces. provinces—with or without independence-appears By a federal union, therefore, we save nothing a better course, more consistent with old ideas and of sources of expense, which we should incur by feelings, than that of an incorporation of our for- annexation; it is easy to show that these expenses tunes with those of the neighboring States. This would be vastly greater in the former case than in opinion originates in honest, manly devotion to the the latter. We have two millions of people in country of our birth-to the desire still entertained British North America. Joined to the United to preserve the name and condition of British sub- States we should form a nation of about twentyjects. It is, therefore, respectable, and to be re- four millions. But the two millions, in order to spected; but is nevertheless founded in mistake. the maintenance of a thorough system of diplomatic We have said that these persons lean to the idea relations abroad, would require of a federal union of the British North American sadors and consuls as would be necessary for the provinces, with or without independence of Great twenty-two. The two millions would have to go Britain ; for among those who have not fully con- to all the cost of paying for a president, instead sidered the subject, there is a vagueness of per- of paying the eleventh part of the cost of one such ception which prevents some of them from seeing functionary for the twenty-two. The two millions distinctly that a federal union can be nothing, un- must keep up a great variety of other civil establess it be accompanied by independence. But it lishments in the same way and out of their own is easy to show that this is the fact; and that, resources, instead of sharing the burden with ten therefore, to advocate such a plan is also to ad- times their own number. Lastly, the army and vocate a separation from the mother country. navy must either be manifestly useless, or it must

A federation is a number of states, each man- be equally powerful with that army with which it aging its own local affairs as we do at present; would probably have to contend in case of war. but united by the tie of a general and metropolitan The nation with which the North American government, which arranges, for the entire group, Union would have to dread collision would clearly all that regards their external relations. That is be the United States, therefore our army would to say, the federal governinent determines all ques- either be utterly incapable of affording us protections of peace and war, and, of consequence, all tion, or it must be as numerous as theirs. Two questions as to the extent and employment of the millions of population, then, must go to the same army and navy. It takes charge, also, of all diplo- expense as twenty millions; or else waste all the matic communications with foreign powers; all ne- outlay in useless form, whereas by a union with gotiations and treaties; and all restrictions, customs, the twenty millions, which would diminish the or other taxes imposed upon foreign commerce. necessary cost of the present military establishNow, unless there be these foreign relations, ments maintained by the larger population, the there can be no federal government, for the simple same protection might be had for a tithe of the reason that the federal government would have no money. functions—would have nothing to do.

So far, then, it is evident, that the items of inshould establish a federation to-morrow, in order creased expenses, rendered necessary by a change, to find some business for the general government would be incalculably greater in the case of a fedto do, in order to prevent such an institution from eral union than in that of annexation. Let us see becoming as useless a mockery as that of the gov- what would be the advantages. The great adernor-generalship, under the present system, we vantages to be looked for in either case, arise from should have to obtain from Great Britain the right enlarged markets for our produce—an increased to treat with independent nations as an indepen- field for our future industrial enterprises. Now dent state. The cost of maintaining the army and a federal union of the British provinces would add, navy would be necessarily thrown upon us, as a if they were all customers, only five hundred thou

If we

more

From the Economist.

GERMAN COMMERCE.

THE NEW GERMAN FED

ERAL EMPIRE.

sand people to our commercial system. Of our the exports for the month of July in the present two staples, lumber and breadstuffs, these five hun- year show an increase of more than two millions, dred thousand people would require nothing but compared with the same month last year : while breadstuffs. But annexation to the United States those of the seven months exhibit an increase of would add twenty million to our commercial sys- more than five millions in 1849, compared with tem ; would give us markets wherever railroad, 1848. What was lost by continental revolutions in canal, sea-going ship, or pack-horse could trans- 1848, has been restored to our general commerce by port our present produce, and would open the same the tranquillity, such as it is, which now reigns vast region to our manufacturers, protected from in Europe. And those sudden and great changes foreign competition by a high differential tariff. have chiefly affected our trade with Germany, be

Instead of taking our breadstuffs only, this im- cause it is so much larger than any other. mense population would every year require more In everything, therefore, which affects the perand more of the produce of our forests, while the manency of that tranquillity, this country has a funds which came here in return would accumu- deep and important stake. There is no late till they grew into capital, and were rein- vulgar error, common as it hitherto has been, than vested in the manufacture of fresh sources of that our success and prosperity can be built up on profit. Finally, the federal union would give no the misfortunes of our neighbors. Thus it is imprivileges to our Canadian vessels, steamers or possible that those who understand the true imporotherwise, which they do not now possess ; annex- tance of the commercial intercourse between this ation would give free entry to our craft in every country and Germany, can look with apathy upon water of the continent.

the efforts now making at Berlin to consolidate The contrast is succinctly stated, but we think into some rational confederation the scattered eleit is sufficiently striking to induce any one who ments of the great German empire. We are in reflects upon it to give up the federal union, and no humor at the present time to criticize too secleave to the larger and better measure.

verely the errors of the past, whether of omission or commission, which have been made by those in whose hands the destinies of Germany have been placed. They have been sufficiently numerous. We are rather disposed to aid, in every way we can, what appears to us to be the most likely

ineans of cementing, if not all Germany, at least In whatever light we regard Germany, it is those states in the north which, from identity of unquestionably the most important“ foreign rela- interests and similarity of views, are capable of tionwhich this country can boast of. The only forming one great union, which will be sufficiently other country that has any pretensions to a com- powerful to suppress domestic anarchy and forbid parison with it, is the United States of America. foreign aggression. By such a union alone can The manufactures of Great Britain are consumed the peace of the north of Europe be guaranteed. in Germany to a larger amount than in any other Taking the brilliant speech of M. de Radowitz, country whatever.

On the other hand, Germany in the second Chamber at Berlin, as the true exsupplies this country with wool, timber, flax, ponent of the policy of Count Brandenburg, and hemp, and grain, to an aggregate amount exceed of the views and wishes of the King of Prussia, ing our imports from any other single country, we must admit, that, for the first time since the unless it be in some years from the United States, revolutions of 1848, do we now see a well-founded in the trade of which cotton alone forms so impor- hope for a reörganization of the German states tant an item. If to our direct exports we add into one united and intelligible policy. In the those which pass through Belgium, Holland, and Frankfurt Assembly we never had any confidence. other channels, the amount of British manufac- It was based upon a theory which, however grand tures disposed of in Germany is not less than and imposing, embraced conflicting elements, which twelve millions annually. In other words, Ger- we had no hope to see reconciled. However much many, as a market for our goods, is equal to those Austria and Prussia might appear to do homage to of the possessions of the East India Company, the occasion,” no one who considered the different Ceylon, the whole of the Australian colonies, the principles and material interests which they repreCape of Good Hope, and the British possessions sented, io say nothing of the private ambitions and in North America, all taken together. When the jealousies which animated the representatives of German markets were paralyzed and deranged last two such great powers, could believe that either year, in consequence of the political disturbances, contemplated a true adherence to an arrangement which destroyed all credit and confidence, we had which neither believed could be permanent. a striking example of the influence exerted by them But the Frankfort Assembly is now a matter of on British industry. In the course of a few history. German unity, in the grand sense conmonths our exports fell off upwards of £5,000,000. templated by that body, proved a failure, because With tranquillity partially restored in Europe, our it was based upon a vague theory, and not upon exports have increased as suddenly in the present the wants and interests of the people. Since its year as they declined in 1818. According to the dissolution it has been evident that the two great buaid of trade tables, wlich we publish this day, powers of Prussia and Austria have been striving to influence a future organization of the German determining the rights and powers of the federal states. These efforts on the part of Austria no government, and those of the independent sepadoubt would have assumed a more decided shape rate states, and based upon a free and liberal reprelong before now but for the occupation which she sentative system. has had in Italy and Hungary.

At the present

What, then, has Germany to choose between at moment there are three plans open to Germany. this moment ? On the one hand, there is Prince The first is to remain in its present dislocated con- Swarzenburg's proposal for a great confederate emdition, with even the organization of the Zollverein, pire of seventy-four millions, of discordant and disalthough literally in force (unless superseded) till similar elements, with Austria at the head, and to 1853, practically, for any great object of progress include a mutual guarantee of all possessions, and or improvement, in abeyance ; the second is to consequently of Lombardy and Venice ; and of make another attempt to form one empire, with which, no doubt, the cabinet of Vienna would be the reigning family of Austria at its head ; and the moving spirit, as well with respect to its comthe third is to form such a limited union of the mercial policy as its general liberties. On the states which comprised the Zollverein of 1833, other hand, there is the proposal of Prussia, to eswith such others in the north as are disposed to tablish a federal union of those states whose interjoin it, leaving Austria and some of the minor ests and views are similar and identical--based states in the south to an independent existence. upon a liberal representative system. The one is The first of these plans could lead only to con- reaction in politics-protection in commerce. The tinual intrigues, conflicts, and anarchy. The other is “

progress” in both. The one addresses second to a reactionary policy, both with regard itself to a vision—an incompatible theory; the to the liberties of the people and the freedom of other, to actual existing facts—to living realities. commerce, which would soon prove fatal (in the The one, from its discordant elements, and reacpresent temper of the German nation) to the gov- tionary attributes, could not fail to lead to confuernments themselves, both central and local, how- sion, anarchy, and (finally) to military despotism; ever formed. The third seems the only plan which the other, to a gradual amelioration of the present promises anything like permanency, because it is condition of the people, the expansion of their based upon actual existing facts, and not upon any liberties, and the accomplishment of free trade. vague theory, because it assimilates itself to the At the present moment, the one works by private material wants and the views of the people, and intrigue ; the other, by open and clearly announced does not rely upon the people assimilating them- principles and plans. selves to its dogmas; because it is a constitution No one who has at heart the maintenance of made for a people, suited to their interests and that tranquillity which is so far reëstablished in actual existence, and does not depend upon a peo- Europe can feel indifferent as to the success of the ple for its sake changing their habits and views in Berlin project. It is already far advanced.

Ausorder to adopt it. Such is the proposal now made tria has lost its opportunity, if, indeed, it ever at Berlin, under the immediate sanction of Prussia. existed. On the 30th of the present month, the

We have confidence in the Berlin constitution, Reichstag will be fully convened in boib houses, because it is moderate in its pretensions, avoiding senate and representatives, at Berlin, when the the grand but impracticable visions which proved constitution will be formally submitted, and, no fatal at Frankfort, and confining itself to an at- doubt, accepted. On the 15th of October, the tempt to meet the real and present wants of that general German Parliament will be convoked, repportion of Germany which can ever be perma- resenting the new federal empire, which will emnently united. The whole objects and policy of brace, including Holstein, a population of about this constitution are most ably explained in the twenty-eight millions, of which Prussia alone posspeech of M. de Radowitz, already alluded to. sesses sixteen millions. The only thing which is He dwells with great stress upon the misfortunes now necessary for the full success of a project so of the past year—upon the anarchy which long admirably calculated to meet the peculiar position prevailed—and against which, as yet, no perma- and wants of the German states, is that the King nent security has been taken. The old organi- of Prussia, and those statesmen who have origizations of 1815 and of 1833 have equally fallen to nated and proposed it, shall carry it out in the pieces, and are no longer of any true force. Yet, true spirit of M. de Radowitz's professions. The without organization, what is Germany ? Confed- cabinet of Berlin must be prepared to carry it out eration is not more needful to the United States in a frank, liberal, and enlarged spirit. We tell of America than it is among the numerous petty them that they cannot afford to vacillate or hesistates of Germany. “Germany can only present tate. They have put their hand to the work, and, itself as a union, in relation to foreign states. Its for their own sake and the sake of Germany, they politics and representation must offer a united must persevere in it. If they do, they will have whole, with whose several divisions foreign powers the credit and the honor of having laid the founhave nothing to do. It is necessary I should show dation of a great confederation, which, though that this demand contains the condition upon which independent in all its parts for local purposes, will the life of the nation depends." Prussia, in short, form a powerful unity for all common objects, now seeks to establish a federal union, following which will contain within itself the germs of

progthe example of the United States of America, in ress and rational liberty. For our own part, we

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