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By degrees, he grew bolder; and, having made many large additions to his first sketch, or perhaps recast it, produced what is now called his Seventh Satire, which he recited to a numerous audience. The consequences were such as he had probably anticipated: Paris, informed of the part he bore in it, was seriously offended, and complained to the emperor, who, as the old account has it, *sent the author, by an easy kind of punishment,

on the Argonauts and the Lapithe. Were the Satires of Juvenal to be mentioned with approbation? and, if they were, was Martial the person to do it? Martial, the most devoted sycophant of the age, who was always begging, and sometimes receiving, favours from the man whose castigation was, in general, the express object of them. Is it more consonant to his character, to suppose that he would conceal his knowledge of them with the most scrupulous care?

But when Domitian was dead, and Martial removed from Rome: when, in short, there was no danger of speaking out, he still appears, they say, to be ignorant of his friend's poetic talents. I am almost ashamed to repeat what the critics so constantly forget-that Juvenal was not only a satirist, but a republican, who looked upon Trajan as an usurper, no less than Domitian. And how was it "safe to speak out," when they all assert that he was driven into banishment by a milder prince than Trajan, for a passage "suspected of bearing a figurative allusion to the times? What inconsistencies are these!

* Mox magna frequentia, magnoque successu bis ac ter auditus est: ut ea quoque quæ prima fecerat, inferciret novis scriptis,

"Quod non dant proceres dabit histrio, &c. Sat. vII. 90-92. Erat tum in delitiis aulæ bistrio, multique fautorum ejus quotidie provebebantur. Venit ergo in suspicionem quasi tempora figurate notasset: ac statim per honorem militiolæ, quanquam octogenarius, urbe summotus, missusque ad præfecturam cobortis in extremá parte tendentis Ægypti. Id supplicii genus placuit, ut levi atque joculari delicto par esset. Verum intra brevissimum tempus angore et tædio periit. Suet. Passing by the interpolations of the old grammarians, I shall, as before, have recourse to Dodwell. Recitavit ni fallor, omnia, emisitque in publicum cxv111. (Juvenal was now fourscore!) postquam Romam venisset Hadrianus, quem ille principem à benevolo ejus in hæc studia animo, in hac ipsa satira, in qua occurrunt verba illa de Paride commendat. 161. Salmasius supposed that the last of his Satires only were published under Hadrian; Dodwell goes farther, and maintains

into Egypt with a military command. To remove such a man from his court, must undoubtedly have been

that the whole, with the exception of the 15th and 16th † (si tamen verà et illa Juvenalis fuerit) were then first produced! Illa in Paridem dicteria histrionem, in suum (cujus nomen non prodidit auctor) bistrionem dicta interpretabatur Hadrianus. Inde exilii causa. Scripsit ergo in exilio Sat. xv. Sed cum " nuper Consulem Junium” fuisse dicat, ante annum ad minimum cxx. scribere illam non potuit Juv. Nec verò postea scripsisse, exinde colligimus, quod “intra brevissimum tempus" perierit. 164. Such is the manner in which Dodwell accommodates Suetonius to his own ideas: which seem also to have been those of a much higher name, Salmasius; and, while I am now writing, to be sanctioned by the adoption of the learned and judicious Rupert.‡ I never affected singularity; yet I

†The former of these, Dodwell says, was written in exile, after the author was turned of eighty. Salmasius, more rationally, conceives it to have been produced at Rome. Giving full credit, however, to the story of his late banishment, he is driven into a very awkward supposition. An non alio tempore, atque alia causa Ægyptum lustrare juvenus potuit Juvenalis? animi nempe gratia, nai rns isopias xapiv, ut urbes regionis illius, populorumque mores cognosceret? Would it not be more simple to attribute his exile at once to Domitian?

With respect to the 16th Satire, Dodwell, we see, hesitates to attribute it to Juvenal; and indeed the old scholiast says that, in his time, many thought it to be the work of a different hand. So it always appeared to me. It is unworthy of the author's best days, and seems but little suited to his worst. He was at least eighty-one, they say, when he wrote it, yet it begins

Nam si

"Me pavidum excipiat tyronem porta secundo
"Sidere, &c."

Surely, at this age, the writer resembled Priam, the tremulus miles, more than the timid tyro! Nor do I believe that Juvenal would have been much inclined to amuse himself with the fancied advantages of a profession to which he was so unworthily driven. But the satire must have been as ill-timed for the army as for himself, since it was probably, at this period, in a better state of subjection than it had been for many reigns: I suppose it to be written, in professed imitation of our author's manner, about the age of Commodus. It has considerable merit, though the first and last paragraphs are feeble and tautological; and the execution of the whole much inferior to the design. Such as it is, however, I should have presented a translation of it to the reader; if a friend, to whom this work has many obligations, and who had, at my request, undertaken it, had not disappointed me when it was too late to apply elsewhere, or to attempt it myself. I yet hope to offer it to the public on a future occasion.

During the progress of the translation, I had frequent occasion to lament the want of a good edition of my author. I was far from foreseeing that my wishes on this head were about to be gratified, when I received, by the kindness of Mr. Evans of Pall Mall, who had heard of my undertaking, the first copy of a new edition of Juvenal, which reached this country. It is by Geo. Alex.

desirable to Domitian; and, as he was spoken of with kindness in the same Satire, which is entirely free from

find myself constrained to differ from them all: but I will state my reasons. In his 7th Satire, after speaking of Quintilian, Juvenal adds,

"Si fortuna volet, fies de rhetore consul:

"Si volet hæc eadem fies de consule rhetor."

Which, taking it for a proverbial expression, I have loosely rendered, Fortune can make kings of pedants, and pedants of kings. Dodwell, however, understands it literally. Hæc sanè cum Quintiliani causa dicat, vix et quin Q. talem ostendant è rhetore nimirum "nobilem, senatorium, consularem." et quidem illis divitiis instructum, quæ essent etiam ad censum senatorium necessariæ. 152. Now as Pliny, who probably died before Trajan, observes that Quintilian was a man of moderate fortune, it follows that he must have acquired the wealth and honours of which Juvenal speaks, at a later period. Dodwell fixes this to the time when Hadrian entered Rome cxvIII. which he states to be also that of the author's banishment. It must be confessed, that he lost no time in exerting himself: he had remained silent fourscore years; he now bursts forth at once, as Dodwell expresses it, recites all his Satires without intermission, (unis continuisque recitationibus,) celebrates Quintilian, attacks the Emperor, and is immediately dispatched to Egypt! 162. Here is a great deal of business crowded into the compass of a few weeks, or, perhaps, days;-but let us examine it a little more closely. Rigaltius, with several of the commentators, sees in the lines above quoted a sneer at Quintilian, and he accounts for the rhetor's silence respecting our author, by the resentment which he supposes him to have felt at it. As this militates strongly against Dodwell's ideas, he will not allow that any thing severe was intended by the passage in question; and adds that Quintilian could not mention Juvenal as a satirist, because he had not then written any Satires. 160. I believe that both are wrong. In speaking of the satirists, Quintilian says that Persius had justly acquired no small degree of reputation by the little he had written. Lib. x. c. i. He then adds, sunt clari hodieque et qui olim nominabuntur. There are yet some excellent ones, some who will be better

Rupert, already honourably known to the literary world by his excellent edition of Silius Italicus. It equals my warmest expectations: it is accurate and ingenious, possessing all the advantages of the best editions which I have seen, and adding others which none of them possess.

It came too late for me to profit by it in the translation, which was already nearly out of the press when I received it: but it has been useful to me in the pages which follow the Life of Juvenal.-I hope I may be allowed to take an honest pride in the similarity of our ideas respecting the original. We shall be found to differ in very few places; we have sought information at the same sources; and our illustrations, parallel passages, &c. are therefore frequently the same. In industry and learning I frankly yield to this excellent critic: it is praise enough for me, to be found so often in his footsteps.

political allusions, the "facetiousness" of the punishment (though Domitian's was not a facetious reign) ren

known hereafter. It always appeared to me, that this last phrase alluded to our author, with whose extraordinary merits Quintilian was probably acquainted, but whom he did not choose, or did not dare to mention in a work composed under a prince whose crimes this unnamed satirist persecuted with a severity as unmitigated as it was just. Quintilian had no political courage. Either from a sense of kindness or fear, he flatters Domitian almost as grossly as Martial :but his life was a life of innocence and integrity. I will therefore say no more on this subject; but leave it to the reader to consider whether such a man was likely to startle the "god of his idolatry" by celebrating the merits of Juvenal. Nor do I agree with the commentators whom Dodwell has followed, in the literal interpretation of those famous lines. Unde igitur tot, &c. Sat. vII. v. 188-194. Quintilian was rich, when the rest of his profession were in the extremes of want. Here then was an instance of good fortune. He was lucky; and, with luck, a man may be any thing; handsome and witty, and wise, and noble, and high-born, and a member of the senate. Who does not see in this a satirical exaggeration? Wisdom, beauty, and high birth, luck cannot give: why then should the remainder of this passage be so strictly interpreted, and referred to the actual history of Quintilian? The lines, Si fortuna volet, &c. are still more lax: a reflection thrown out at random, and expressing the greatest possible extremes of fortune. Yet on these authorities principally (for the passage of Ausonius,† written more than two centuries later, is of no great weight) has Quintilian been advanced to consular honours; while Dodwell, who, as we have seen, has taken immense pains to prove that they could only be conferred on him by Hadrian, has hence deduced his strongest argu

† 2 consularia per Clementem ornamenta sortitus, honestamenta potiùs videtur quam insignia potestatis babuisse. In gratiar. act. Quintilian, then, was not actually consul: but this is no great matter-it is of more consequence to ascertain the Clemens by whom he was so honoured. In the preface to his fourth book, he says, Cùm verò mibi Dom. Augustus sororis suæ nepotum delegavit curam, &c. Vespasian had a daughter, Domatilla, who married, and died long before her father: she left a daughter, who was given to Flavius Clemens, by whom she had two sons. These were the grandchildren of Domitian's sister, of whom Quintilian speaks; and to their father, Clemens, according to Ausonius, he was indebted for the show, though not the reality, of power. There is nothing incongruous in all this; yet so possessed are Dodwell and his numerous followers (among whom I am sorry to rank Dusaulx) of the late period at which it happened, that they will needs have Hadrian to be meant by Domitianus Augustus, though the detestable flattery which follows the words I have quoted, most indisputably proves it to be Domitian; and though Dodwell himself is forced to confess that he can find no Clemens under Hadrian to whom the passage applies. Quis autem fuerit Clemens ille qui Q. ornamenta illa sub Hadriano impetraverit me sanè fateor ignorare! 165.

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ders the fact not altogether improbable. Yet, when we consider that these reflections on Paris could scarcely have been published before 84, and that the favourite was disgraced and put to death almost immediately after, we shall be inclined to doubt whether his banishment

ments for the late date of our author's satires; which he thus brings down to the period of mental imbecility! Hence, too, he accounts for the different ideas of Quintilian's wealth in Juvenal and Pliny. When the latter wrote, he thinks Quintilian had not acquired much property, he was "modicus facultatibus :” when the former, "he had been enriched by the imperial bounty, and was capable of senatorial honours." Yet Pliny might not think his old master rich enough to give a fortune with his daughter adequate to the expectations of a man of considerable rank, (Lib. 1v. Ep. ii. ) though Juvenal, writing at the same instant, might term him wealthy, in comparison of the rhetoricians who were starving around him; and count him a peculiar favourite of fortune. Let us bear in mind, too, that Juvenal is a satirist, and a poet : in the latter capacity, the minute accuracy of an annalist cannot be expected at his hands; and in the former-as his object was to shew the general discouragement of literature, he could not, consistently with his plan, attribute the solitary good fortune of Quintilian to any thing but luck.

But why was Quintilian made consul? Because, replies Dodwell (164), when Hadrian first entered Rome, he was desirous of gaining the affections of the people; which could be done no way so effectually as by conciliating the esteem of the literati; and he therefore conferred this extraordinary mark of favour on the rhetor. How did it escape this learned man, that he was likely to do himself more injury in their opinion by the banishment of Juvenal at that same instant? an old man of fourscore, who, by his own testimony, had spoken of him with kindness, in a poem which did more honour to his reign than any thing produced in it! and whose only crime was an allusion to the influence of a favourite player!-Indeed, the informers of Hadrian's reign must have had more sagacious noses than those of Domitian's, to smell out his fault. What Statius, in his time, was celebrated for the recitation of a Thebaid, or what Paris, for the purchase of an untouched Agave? And where, might we ask Dodwell, was the "jest" of sending a man on the verge of the grave, in a military capacity, into Egypt? Could the most supple of Hadrian's courtiers look on it as any thing but a wanton exercise of cruelty? At eighty, the business of satirizing, either in prose or verse, is nearly over : what had the Emperor then to fear? And to sum up all, in a word, can any rational being seriously persuade himself that the Satires of Juvenal were produced, for the first time, by a man turned of fourscore!

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