Free speech (including a free press) is another of our fundamental ideas. The papists denounce it. In 1864 the Pope anathematized "all who maintain the liberty of the press, and all advocates of the liberty of speech (which is) the liberty of perdition."

Again, free schools are one of the main pillars of state, in this, or in any republican government. What says the Catholic Church? She exclaims, "ignorance is the mother of devotion," and she does her utmost to keep the people in intellectual childhood, so that she may more easily rule them. In her own Italy seventy-three per cent of the people are illiterate, in Spain eighty per cent, in Mexico ninety-three per cent. Such is the state of things she would gladly see here. Says the Catholic Telegraph: "It will be a glorious day for the Catholics of this country when, under the blows of justice and morality, our school system will be shivered to pieces."

any

Loyalty to our own government is the first political duty of an American. But a papist cannot perform it. He is required to swear supreme allegiance to the Pope. These are the Pope's own words: "The Romish Church has a right to exercise its authority without limits set to it by the civil power. *** The Pope and the priests ought to have dominion over temporal affairs. The Romish Church and her ecclesiastics have a right to immunity from civil law." And in the Catholic oath of allegiance the candidate swears that he will "humbly receive, and diligently execute the (Pope's) command, and endeavor to preserve, defend, increase and advance the authority of the Pope." No wonder Mr. Gladstone protests against this as inconsistent with civil duty, saying: "Rome requires a convert, who joins her, to forfeit

his moral and mental freedom, and to place his loyalty and civil duty at the mercy of another." And Prince Bismarck, with characteristic force, exclaims: "This Pope, this foreigner, this Italian, is more powerful in this country than any one, not except ing even the King. *** Consider what this foreigner has an nounced as the programme by which he rules in Prussia as elsewhere. He begins by arrogating to himself the right to define how far his authority extends. And this Pope, who would use fire and sword against us if he had the power to do so, who would confiscate our property and not spare our lives, expects us to allow him full, uncontrolled sway in our midst." Cardinal McClosky acknowledges that all this applies in this country when he says that the Catholics here "are as strongly devoted to the sustenance and maintenance of the temporal power of the Holy Father as Catholics in any part of the world; and if it should be necessary to prove it by acts they are ready to do so"; and Cardinal Bellarmine has unblushingly said: "If the Pope should err by enjoining vices, or forbidding virtues, the Church would be obliged to believe vices to be good and virtues bad."

Such are the avowed principles of the Romanists, and they are determined to enforce them upon America. "We are determined to rule America," is the utterance of their bishops. And nowhere on the surface of the planet are there in existence institutions and a government so entirely opposed to them. Right here then must the great battle be fought.

When a regiment is posted directly across the road where the enemy has determined to march, it is plain to the whole army that this regiment must bear the brunt of the fight. And not less plain is it that to the Anglo-Saxon in America, with all his ad

vanced and glorious principles of liberty and progress, is committed the task of overthrowing that outworn despotism that is trying to keep alive in the nineteenth century the discarded dogmas of the dark ages.

And already the lines of light begin to streak the East. It is even said that in oppressed Ireland the Pope's authority is rapidly waning. The Irish at home are waking up to the fact that they are languishing under the curse of Romish despotism and enforced ignorance. Let them but throw off the yoke, and it needs no prophet's pen to tell what a mighty turning to the light this country will witness. It is something of this kind that is plainly to be looked for. There may be tumults, commotions, and even bloody conflicts; but the hopeful thing in the horizon of the future is a mighty turning from Rome, under the force of Anglo-Saxon intelligence and spiritual influence. It is not unreasonable to think that the child is already born who will live to see that great exodus from the spiritual Babylon hinted at in the prophetic words, "Come out of her my people that ye receive not of her plagues," which is to be speedily followed by her utter rejection and overthrow, not only here but in other lands. And this may be confidently set down as one special feature of our country's part in the great crisis which is approaching.

THE

CHAPTER V.

AMERICA IN THE COMING CRISIS.

SOCIALISM.

HE problem of the TRUE SOCIETY is nothing else than the problem of the MANIFESTED KINGDOM. And few who are willing to look at facts can doubt that the solution of this great problem is upon us, "even at the doors."

It is upon us in the order of Providential Progress.

Some one has said that the movements of God in history are like those of the giant in the fable;-He takes a step, and ages have rolled away. And it cannot escape us that all the great preliminary steps have now been taken.

In the dawn of history the Hebrew nation was evidently chosen for a great purpose; and just as evidently that purpose was to testify to a personal Creator. Theology, or the unfolding of the true doctrine of God, was the first great step.

In like manner the Greeks-that wonderful people-spent their energies in exploring the Creator's works and laying the foundations of philosophy and science; and this was the second great step.

The third step was taken by the Romans- who fill so large a place both in history and prophecy in unfolding and applying civil law, and thus settling the doctrine of the state.

The early Saxons, in the land of Luther, were called to the high office of asserting the right of the soul and laying deep the foundations of liberty; and this was the fourth great step.

But as twilight ushers in the dawn, just so surely does the vindication of true soul-freedom compel a revision of the relations of men with men, and the great social question is upon us. This is the problem given to the Anglo-Saxon to solve, the crowning problem of the TRUE SOCIETY; and at this very hour our country thrills and trembles in the throes of the mighty travail.

The vast army of toilers is agitated by fear and discontent, and in a half mutinous state. On every side men are rushing into organized movements against the present order. Strikes abound. Lock-outs respond. Labor is in arms against capital and capital against labor. Philanthropists are startled at the rapid increase of want and woe and moral degeneracy among the lower classes. Men of science stand aghast at the swiftly widening gulf between the rich and the poor, and are cyphering out the probable time ere the blind Samson of penury, compelled to grind in the mills of capital, shall grasp the pillars of state and bring down all in a common ruin. While tens of thousands of Anarchists, fresh from Old World bondage, are swinging out the red flag inscribed with the watchword of indiscriminate destruction to all existing institutions. Society is full of feverish excitement. There are "voices, and thunderings, and lightnings," and multiplying portents of approaching revolution. The mass of the people are already Socialists in all but the name, for they are asking questions which can never be finally answered but by the establishment of a new social order more in harmony with the great principle of brotherhood taught and exemplified by the Son of God himself.