sive acquaintance with social history-the growth of ideas, the change of feelings, sentiments, and general surroundings, and the various disturbing influences and antagonistic tendencies which agitate the mass. I am then fully conscious that the task I have set myself to-night is an over-ambitious one, and I can only hope that in detecting my errors you will not overlook the difficulty of avoiding them.

Probably in the case of no European nation are there so many obstacles to be encountered during an investigation of its social progress as in that of Ireland. The constituent parts of the community are so varied in character, and the biases so numerous and strong, that it becomes a problem of considerable difficulty to decide in what stage of development we are at present, and in what direction we are tending. I shall be content to bring before your notice in a connected, but necessarily incomplete and superficial manner, what appear to me the most salient points to be considered in an endeavour "to see ourselves," not, indeed, "as others see us," which is too generally in a false and obscured light, but as we really are. The task, however, is by no means an easy one. Isolated as she has been, and to a certain extent still is, from the rest of Europe, the development of Ireland was neither rapid nor constant. She lagged behind the age, and but picked up the crumbs that fell from the table of

her more prosperous sisters. Yet it has been usual among her critics to judge her from the same standard. In the words of Mr. Morley, "the geographical proximity of Ireland has misled politicians into the habit of explaining all that happens there by the usual reference to the general ideas, passions, and common movements of the rest of civilised Europe. The truth is, that Irish evolution has moved in an independent course." This is strictly true of the period preceding the Union, though there were surely not wanting signs of progress; and if we compare her condition at the commencement of this century with her present position among the nations of Western Europe, we shall see in her rapid and steady increase of prosperity sufficient to warrant us in anticipating for her a great and useful future.

Ireland, at the time of the Union, was in a state as dangerous as it was critical. Just recovering from the shock of a rebellion, hideous and revolting by the atrocities of all concerned in it, whether Catholics or Protestants, crushed to the dust by the horrible cruelties perpetrated during its repression, she was handed over to the tender mercies of a people who were, at that period, as little capable of governing her as they were of regarding the people with other feelings than those of loathing and contempt. While affecting to abhor and despise the country, they rendered their triumph the more galling to her inhabitants by the

humiliating knowledge that their liberties had been sold by the men to whom her dearest interests were confided. Is it then to be wondered that, since the day on which her freedom was bartered in exchange for titles and honours, Ireland has nourished the seeds of discontent? Is it a matter for amazement that among her children—

Dowered with the scorn of scorn, the hate of hate-

there linger yet some sparks of the fire that was kindled into flame by injustice and wrong?

It is not my intention to make any further reference to this topic. On the contrary, it appears to me to be too much the custom when treating of Ireland to view it, from a Theological or Ethnological standpoint, as the battle-field of races or religions; though if we desire to obtain a true and just conception of the people it is necessary to explore much further. Since, however, Social Progress necessitates and includes political progress, I am compelled, however unwillingly, to glance at the sentiments held at the present day by the great majority of Irishmen. In order fully to comprehend the ardent desire of the Irish people for Home Government, it is necessary not alone to notice their social surroundings, impressionable nature, and the circumstances of the Union, but also to consider the tenacity with which they treasure up the memory of "the days of old," when Ireland possessed a short but glorious independence;

or, looking still further back, when she was known as Holy Isle of the West. To these fond traditions is added some distorted information as to the independence achieved by the Irish Parliament and the Volunteers-the miserable state of the poorer orders being sedulously kept out of sight-and the peasant forms the not unnatural conclusion that a dissolution of the Union would bring greatness and independence to Ireland.

It must be admitted that a few honest, intelligent, and educated men profess the same belief, urged on by the existence of some radical faults in the present administration of Irish affairs; but that they have any true faith in the principle I must doubt, and, however seemingly presumptuous, remind them in the words of Professor Goldwin Smith, that "Institutions however imperfect may be better than those that went before, and may pave the way for something better to follow”—

For forms of government let fools contest;
Whate'er is best administered is best;

and that our Social Progress, resulting from better government since the Union, has been very great, will, I think, be evident during the course of this essay.

If England, at the time of the Union, showed an utter disregard for the feelings of Ireland, she has since then perceived her mistake, and amended the error of her ways. Be her faults of administra

tion what they may, it is impossible not to see, on looking back over the long series of enactments dealing with Ireland, that she has had its interests at heart; and that, even if unequal to the full task imposed upon her, she can point to a list of grievances redressed, and important measures passed, challenging comparison with a similar progress made by any other European country in the same period. If there were but the one measure of Catholic emancipation to refer to, that alone should entitle the English administration to Irish gratitude, since in our own Parliament we were unable to obtain that boon, though long and untiringly advocated by the genius, talents, and energy of Grattan.

But we can also single out the regulation of the Elective Franchise-the abuses of which had been only equalled by the anti-reform system in England. The Irish Church Reforms, again, of 1833, were of so bold a character as even to satisfy O'Connell himself. We have, again, the establishment of Primary Education; and with pride be it said that, while with narrow minds and selfish hearts English Churchmen and Dissenters joined in opposing any system of national education, Ireland, on the contrary, received with open arms the means of educating her children, and enabling them to compete with the English artizan and labourer on more than equal terms.