the Church is their Mother, and the Empire is always called Holy Mother Russia. The Capital of the Empire is Holy Mother Moscow, and the Volga, Mother Volga. Even the high road from Moscow to Vladimir is called Our dear Mother the high road to Vladimir.' But above all, Moscow, the Holy Mother of the land, is the center of Russian history and tradition, to which all the inhabitants of the empire devote their love and veneration. Every Russian entertains all his life long the desire to visit one day the great City, to see the towers of its holy churches, and to pray on the tombs of the patron saints of Russia. Mother Moscow has always suffered and given her blood for Russia, as all the Russian people are ready to do for her."

If Baron Haxthausen, whose book is admitted to be the best extant on Russia, has not painted this picture in colors somewhat too warm, then the civilized world has cause to regard Russia with the liveliest interest. Fifty millions of people animated by such a spirit are capable either of blessing or cursing the world, to an extent to which history probably can furnish no parallel; because this tremendous power, thus treasured as it is in fifty millions of hearts-a spiritual force-has at its disposal all means of destruction or defense that are known to modern war. Such a people may not possess the impulsiveness of the French soldier, which hurls him like a shot on his foe; they may not be equal in individual prowess to the English, but there is a selfsustaining power of endurance that exhausts and wears out its enemy, that clings obstinately to its purposes, rising afresh from every defeat, prepared for, and undertaking or resisting a new attack. This patriotism, that suffers all things sooner than permit an invader to rest securely on their soil, this spirit that waits and watches, and suffers long, until its opportunity shall come, has been manifested too often to be doubted any longer. When Russia has been reported through all Europe as beaten continually, in battle after battle, when all the nations are summoned to exult over her ruins, then the issue has ever been the overthrow

of her adversary. The Russians have thus far in the end. shaken every invader from them, and made reprisals upon their foe.

The grand army of Napoleon fell before this inextinguishable love of country, which preferred the sacrifice of all rather than endure the presence, on their own soil, of foreign troops, and despisers of their religion; to which the ruins and ashes of Smolensko and Moscow were a less mournful sight than a hostile army trampling on their consecrated places and the graves of their fathers. It is perhaps consoling to French and English feelings to devise hard names for such a spirit, to call it fanaticism, bigotry, superstition, etc.; but it should not be forgotten that, notwithstanding this gift of hateful epithets, its qualities remain the same, its power is undiminished, and the soldiers. stand as steadily to their guns, and throw their shot and shell with an aim as fatally accurate, as if they had applied to them terms of admiration and endearment. The characteristics of the Russian people, their determination to defend their country to the last, are not to be changed by bitter language, or by railing at the Czar as a bigot, or coward, or hypocrite, or fanatic, or unmanly rejoicing at the news of his death. Still another element which serves to produce a national unity in Russia, the influence of which is likely to extend far beyond the present limits of her dominions, is a national vanity and a world-wide ambition, which no one can approve of, and a traditionary belief that the Sclavonian race is yet to rule the world. Every Russian, it is said, high and low, entertains the undoubted opinion, that his race will yet control the destinies of the nations, and regards all events as only sweeping on toward this ultimate end. This may be condemned or ridiculed as mere vanity, as an absurdity, demanding no serious attention; and yet it is a fact, and in connection with other things it becomes an important fact, not to be disregarded in the calculation by which we would measure the power and determine the future of Russia. Though we may be disposed to reject the idea, that what individuals and

nations perseveringly believe themselves capable of they do generally accomplish, this national characteristic must not be forgotten as a chief element of national power.

The misleading character of most of the statements concerning Russia is clearly seen in the light of these facts. Nothing could be further from the truth than to represent this em pire as unwieldy and inefficient, as a mass of crude material cohering so slightly as to be in perpetual danger of falling into fragments, or of being rent asunder by internal dissension. Those who thus represent the Muscovite nation either know nothing of the real Russian, and are painting the creature of their dreams, or for special purposes they studiously misrepresent. The central homogeneous mass of Russia, its compact and vigorous nationality, as com pared with the various tribes that skirt its wide frontier, may be regarded as a mighty continent with a fringe of islands scattered along its shores. This shows also how vain are all expectations that the death of a Czar will essentially modify the settled policy of the Empire, or endanger its peace. Russia has evidently entered upon a career which is the combined result of her geographical position, the nature of her resources, the condition of Europe, her national religion, and the genius of her people. These have prescribed for her. under the guidance of the God of nations, a national mission, which the west of Europe will not prevent her from executing. A national policy, with its general features very clearly defined, has become inwrought in the public mind of Russia, and that policy will not be suddenly changed, much less abandoned, because the characteristics of a great nation can not be at once obliterated. Although the character of him who wears the crown may accelerate or retard the progress of such a nation, it will, under any leader, still move onward toward its ultimate goal. Like a staunch and well-appointed ship, with a competent crew united in the determination to prosecute a definite voyage, that pauses not even though its commander dies, so the national career of fifty millions of united people belonging to one family will not be abandoned on

account of the loss of any one leader. Her national unity is capable of being extended safely from the Atlantic to the Pacific, and the Powers of western Europe will not be able to arrest even her southward march by underrating her strength and resources, nor by sneers at her barbarism, her fanaticism, or her despotism. Her barbarism is found. strangely connected with the very highest military science, her fanaticism appears very much like an enthusiasm for religion and country, and her despotism has not driven the people from an ardent support of the throne.

CHAPTER XXII.

CHARACTER OF THE RUSSIAN SOLDIER.

It will not, perhaps, be uninteresting to the American reader to look at a few short passages of history, in which the character of the Russian soldier may be studied on the field, and as it was almost half a century ago. It is prob able that no portion of Russian history presents in a clearer manner the real character of the people, and the qualities which distinguish her army, whether soldiers or officers, than the record of the French expedition to Moscow. A study of that attack, its progress and results, will enable us to form an opinion as to the issue of any future assault by the Powers of western Europe, while, at the same time, the capabilities of Russia, and her national characteristics, will appear. Whether one regards the unrivalled qualities of the commander of that expedition, or of the army under his command, it will not be considered probable that the Northern Empire will again be compelled to meet upon her own soil so formidable a foe, while, at the same time, its power of resistance has been immensely increased since the invasion of Napoleon.

A glance at a few of the chief points in that memorable attempt at the subjugation of Russia, can not be without interest in the present crisis. In the first place, it is