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minister was followed by a few pregnant passages in President Monroe's annual message in December" (1823). Johnston further continues: "The Monroe Doctrine,' however, has remained the rule of foreign intercourse for all American parties. Added to the already established refusal of the United States to become entangled in any European wars or alliances, it has separated the two continents, to their common advantage. It is historically true that this doctrine has circumscribed all the "Jingoism" of this country since its promulgation.

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Let us note, in passing, that when, at the beginning of President Cleveland's negotiations concerning the Venezuelan boundary in the Orinoco valley, the Marquis of Salisbury declared that the Monroe doctrine was no part of international law, he seems to have forgotten, at least so far as England has a right to object to it, George Canning's part in instigating it and the satisfaction of Great Britain with its promulgation.

While then President Monroe's message was not in terms a treaty, it was in its origin an "entangling alliance" with Great Britain. On the other hand, by separating the two continents it was a reaffirmation that the United States would have no part in European politics. Such is the American tradition, and it has been so far accepted among civilized nations that the appearance of the United States in any European complication is regarded abroad as an impertinence and a monstrous assumption. It is the more singular that the powers of Europe

should be resolved to exclude the one great western nation from participation in the march of civilization for the world, because there is scarcely a nook from Oceania to Japan where they are not intervening with fleets and armies and treaties. Moreover, these treaties, as in the partition of Africa, or in the integrity of the Ottoman empire, embracing Morocco, Algiers, Egypt, and Armenia, are made among the European powers without regard to the wishes of the people whose territories and future they barter away to each other. The justification of this world-wide arrogance is the progress of civilization, and from its advancement Europe would exclude the United States as a party without interest. Again, treaties are the principal source of international law, and from its

formation Europe would exclude the United States, although she would bind us by that law as fast as it is formulated.

Notwithstanding the exclusiveness of European diplomacy in regard to this country, America has had a profound influence abroad. For us there are two Europes, the one official, the other popular. In aristocratic and bureaucratic circles the United States has long been beneath consideration. To German officialdom we are a nation of parvenus; France is habitually and traditionally ignorant of what goes on beyond her borders; in England it is not good form to know either the geography or the history of this country. From critics not unfriendly, as Matthew Arnold and Th. Bentzon, we learn of our raw and uncultivated state. When foreign periodicals undertake to treat of American affairs, as in their curious attempts to explain the last presidential election, they betray an ignorance which they themselves would think unpardonable if displayed concerning Afghanistan, Tippoo Tib, or the Kanakas of Polynesia. It may be going too far to say that America has no friends among official Europe, but they are few there who seem to think that we count for much in practical affairs. If we do a noble or sensible thing, like emancipating slaves or voting for trustworthy money, Europe is surprised, and lands that are honey-combed with millionaires and privileged classes and trusts and ostentatious wealth, fall to cackling over us and wondering how a nation of dollar worshippers can do such things; as if honor and intelligence and self-respect were peculiarly European products.

On the other hand, to the unofficial and the working people, America is the land of golden dreams and hopes. This is shown by the fact that out of every seven persons dwelling in the United States one is of foreign birth. The aspiration of the meatless toilers of Europe is to get to our shores. We have more Irish here than are in the Emerald isle; as many Germans as there are in Bavaria; the scudi-begging Neapolitans crave to reach New York; the landless German farmer cherishes the hope of having a beer-saloon in an American town; the Hungarian leaves the mines where he has toiled to dig coal in Pennsylvania; the Scandinavian hopes to exchange his native land for a Minnesota farm where his

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kindred already are. The influence of America along the lines of immigration has accomplished wonders for Europe. Streams of money go across the Atlantic from the immigrant to his kindred in fatherland, either to bring them hither, or to add comforts to their domestic life. Draining away the surplus toilers from the farms and shops of Europe, America advances the wages or improves the leases of the people there. Standards of industrial life are raised through comparison with those maintained in this country. The self-government conservatively and successfully practiced here, secures larger franchises for the European workman. America, by her example, has done more to ameliorate the condition of the lower classes of Europe than any other single influence. And yet the savans of that continent seem to be unaware of it, and little attempt is ever made to estimate its worth.

A curious illustration of the way in which foreign writers look at such matters may be found in a recent book on "Israel among the Nations," by the eminent Frenchman, Anatole LeroyBeaulieu. "Over a century has elapsed," he writes, "since the emancipation of the Jews proclaimed by the French Revolution." He thinks France took the "initiative;" that the fall of the Bastile gave the whole world an anniversary; and he speaks of the sentence in the "Declaration of the Rights of Man," that "Men are born, and remain, free and equal in rights," as if the sentiment were original with the Constituent Assembly sitting in Paris in 1791. In fact his view in general is that the regeneration of Europe has no earlier antecedents than the French Revolution. Yet his words recall a somewhat similar axiom solemnly proclaimed fifteen years earlier in a Quaker city on the bank of the Delaware. Jefferson wrote that "all men are created free and equal, and are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights, and among these are life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness."

That the example of the United States added materially to the resolution and confidence with which the work of the French Revolution was carried on, needs to-day no emphasis. It was on American soil that commonwealths without an established religion were first erected. Freedom of conscience and the separa

tion of church and state are as old as Roger Williams in Rhode Island, as William Penn in Pennsylvania, and as Cecil Calvert in Maryland. The gospel of liberty was carried to France by the soldiers and sailors who fought under Rochambeau and DeGrasse at Yorktown. Who can estimate the effect of returning ten thousand French soldiers and sailors to France from scenes where they had fought for the cause of liberty and selfgovernment? Before their return in 1780 theories of constitutional government were the pleasant contemplation of courtly circles, savans and philosophers, who had little intention to experiment with them. Liberty and the 'rights of man" were terms of dilettantism and fashion, and had no hold upon either statesmen or people. After these champions went home they became voices of hope and emancipation to the populace. At the time of the American Revolution there was not a constitutional government in all Europe outside of Switzerland and Great Britain, and in the latter country George III. was laboring with fatuous success to restore government by the "divine right of kings." Now there is not a nation of that continent west of Turkey and Russia that does not have a popular representative government.

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It was the success of America that fired the heart of European peoples and made them resolute to achieve the liberty of individuals. It was the prudence of America that taught monarchs to trust the people and showed statesmen how to establish representative legislatures. For all the advancement made this century in personal rights the European finds a sufficient cause in the French Revolution. But surely the ephemeral and turbulent republics of France could give but little assurance of stability and peaceful progress as an inducement to other nations to rest their governments on a popular vote. Neither is it a vain speculation that there would have been no French Revolution had not American ideals become the possession of the people. No, it is the calm serenity and solidity of our American commonwealths, which rise composedly out of the turbulence and dissension of electoral contests, that has given dignity and progress to European class emancipation.

Nor is this all. There are two classes of treaties, those that deal with computa

ble values and those that deal with principles. The setting up of Belgium, in 1831, as an independent kingdom, is an example of the first class; the Convention of Paris, in 1856, concerning neutrals in war, is an example of the second. It is this last sort that most profoundly influences and is most readily incorporated with international law. Now of these, the United States have given rise to no mean share, whether estimated by their importance or by their number. Extradition of criminals is now an almost universal practice of civilized nations. In 1794 the Jay treaty accorded to Great Britain the rendition of persons who fled to the United States to escape the penalties of crime and exacted a like privilege. This is the first precedent of the sort on record. Forty-eight years later this comity was put on broader and more permanent ground, and the treaty then negotiated is in force to-day. One principle, however, the United States stood upon, and it too has become a feature of all modern extradition treaties. This gov

ernment would not give up a refugee charged only with political offenses. This position has not done much to mitigate the rancor of rulers towards so-called treason. It has done much to promote liberty of petition, discussion, and political action.

The war of 1812-15 was fought to put an end to the British search of American vessels and the impressment of seamen. At that time, this conduct was common among European nations. There was no law nor much sentiment against it abroad. In the treaty of Ghent, 1815, which brought hostilities to a close, Great Britain receded from none of her positions, but she did thereafter abandon their practice. Now, such is the universal feeling about it, that if one power in Europe were to do (as was done by Great Britain in 1808 in Cheasapeake Bay to one of our vessels) to a ship of another nation, namely, bring her to and take seamen from her deck, this would be an instant cause of war. Few historical events are more curious than the attitude of England when Mason and Slidell were taken from the deck of the steamer "Trent." Then she appeared as the stern champion of the principle she refused to concede in the treaty of Ghent to America.

In this war another principle was involved, which is now received among civ

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of the old European doctrine that a man's allegiance was forever determined for him by his birthplace.

At the close of the Crimean War, the great powers of Europe assented to the Convention of Paris, 1856, respecting neutrals in time of war. It was agreed that the signatories would abolish privateering, and that a neutral flag covered an enemy's goods, except contraband of war. To this the United States professed a willingness to adhere if the Convention would go further and declare that a neutral flag made all goods free, whether contraband or not. Our ad

hesion was refused because of this condition, but our position is a step in advance. During the Civil War, Mr. Seward offered to sign the Convention, but Earl Russell refused to accept it unless it was expressly stipulated that the provisions of the treaty were not to be applied to the Confederate States. Here again the United States took a position in advance of Europe, and towards which international law is tending.

The treaty of Washington was another preeminently American achievement. It was the instrument by which the Alabama claims were referred to a court of arbitration. At no time before had so grave a question been settled in this manner. Nor was the chief result the recovery of $15,000,000 damages for the depredations of English-fitted war-ships, sailing under a Confederate flag, upon our commerce. The triumph of arbitration as a method of settling disputes was something greater. Moreover, the judgment led to a new definition of the relation of neutrals to belligerents. It is now settled that a neutral must use due diligence to stop expeditions fitted out in its ports against a friendly belligerent. So the American contention passed into the law of nations. The potency of this example is shown in the application of arbitration

to Venezuela, in the new treaty with England now pending in the Senate for a court of arbitration, and in the desire of France to enter into a similar agreement.

These are the principles which the United States has made part of the life and diplomacy of Europe. If her commanding benignity and influence are

obscured for a while, they will be recognized in due time. Meanwhile, no American need blush for the part his own land has taken in promoting the civilization of mankind, and especially that of the proud, self-sufficient nations of Europe. D. O. KELLOGG.

AGRICULTURE IN THE UNITED STATES

SECOND PAPER-STATISTICAL AND GENERAL

BY THE HON. J. STERLING MORTON, EX-SECRETARY OF AGRICULTURE

HE following paper continues the contribution begun in these pages last month on the subject of American Agriculture. The total area devoted to the cultivation of sugar-cane, not including sorghum, in 1889 was 274,975 acres; the total production of cane sugar was 301,284,395 pounds, and the total production of merchantable cane

Sugar

lasses, 25,409,228 gallons. Of this production, 292124,050 pounds of sugar and 14,341,081 gallons of molasses were contributed by Louisiana. During the same year 80,777 tons of sorghum cane were sold for sugar-making (almost wholly in Kansas), and 24,235,219 gallons of sorghum molasses were made, chiefly in the Southern states, and those of the Mississippi, Missouri and Ohio valleys. There were also made in the same year 32,952,927 pounds of maple sugar and 2,258,376 gallons of maple syrup, more than threefourths of the maple sugar being made in Vermont and New York, and more than one-half of the maple syrup in Ohio and New York. In 1894-95 the total production of cane sugar was no less than 729,392,561 pounds, of which 710,827,438 pounds were produced in Louisiana, and that of cane molasses 37,617,074 gallons, of which 28,334,513 gallons were the product of Louisiana.

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culture, even though there are extensive sections of the country in which fruitculture is only just beginning to make its way. The last census reported a production of 143, 105,689 bushels of apples, a fruit that was raised to a considerable extent in all sections, except in Florida, in the Northwest, and in the arid states and territories; 36,367,747 bushels of peaches, raised chiefly in the section of country extending from New York to Florida, and westward to the Mississippi River in its northern and to Texas in its southern portion, and reappearing in California, where its product has a great reputation; 3,064,375 bushels of pears, the production of which was, in the main, well distributed; 2,554,392 bushels of plums and prunes, nearly one half of which were grown in California; 1,476,719 bushels of cherries, the production of which was likewise fairly well apportioned, except in the arid region and the far Northwest; and 1,001,481 bushels of apricots, of which 970,941 bushels were grown in California.

These figures must be taken understandingly, for while the census year is known to have been a poor fruit year, there are no other figures with which the foregoing can be compared, and consequently there is no means of determining how far there was a departure from normal conditions in the different sections of the country. That the failure did not affect all sections alike, however, is well known, for in that memorable year hundreds of car-loads of apples grown on what were but recently treeless plains of Nebraska were shipped both to New York and to San Francisco. There are no figures available as to the production of small fruits, but it is known that the crop

is an enormous one and is gradually increasing. When many of the present residents of Nebraska and other transMissouri states first settled in those regions few believed that fruit of any kind could ever be successfully grown there. Now, however, successful orchards and fruit-gardens are found far in the interior of Kansas and Nebraska. In some counties apple trees are to be found on nearly every farm, and the importation of any variety of fruit, except such as are tropic or sub-tropic, will soon be a thing of the past. The growing of these lastmentioned products is necessarily restricted within narrow limits; so narrow, indeed, that it hardly seems possible that the crop of a single year, including nuts, could have been worth $14,116,227, as was that of 1889. Of this amount the orange represented $6,602,099, the pecan $1,616,577, the almond $1,525,110, the Madeira nut $1,256,958, the lemon $988,100, the pineapple $812,159, the olive $386,368, the fig $307,272, the banana $280,654, and the cocoanut $251,217.

Vineyards

In 1889, 267,271 tons of grapes were sold for table use, 240,450 tons for wine-making, 41,166 tons were made into raisins, and 23,252 tons were used for other purposes, a total of 1,144,278,000 pounds. The grape, raisin and wine industries of the United States represent a total invested capital of upwards of $155,000,000, and furnish employment to over 200,000 persons. To California have to be credited one half of the employees, more than one half of the invested capital, threefifths of the wine production and the total production of raisins. The figures for New York, the state which stands next in rank, are comparatively small, except as to grapes sold for table use, which exceed 60,000 tons annually, or over 50 per cent. more than any other state. While in California the grapes are mainly European varieties, in almost every other part of the country they are improved varieties of native origin. Phylloxera, the scourge of European vineyards, has found its way into California and has done considerable injury. It forms the only serious menace to an industry that gives promise of becoming one of the most important in the country, in addition to effecting a most desirable reform, in the substitution of a pure,

wholesome domestic wine for the sophisticated wines of foreign countries, for ardent spirits, and for malt liquors that contain no malt.

Minor Crops

There are a number of products that do not fill any large place in the grand total of American agriculture, but which are, nevertheless, matters of no little importance within the geographical limits to which they are confined. Thus there were reported at the last census 128,590,934 pounds of rice, valued at $3,897,334, and grown on 161,312 acres, chiefly in Louisiana, South Carolina and Georgia; 39,171,270 pounds of hops, valued at $4,059,697, on 50,212 acres, of which 36,670 acres were in New York and 12,217 acres on the Pacific Coast; 9,378,903 bushels of pulse, grown in considerable proportions in every large section of country except New England, the Northwest and the north Pacific Coast; 38,557,429 pounds of broom-corn, grown on 93,425 acres of land, chiefly in the north central states, and particularly in Illinois and Kansas; 3,588,143 bushels of peanuts, valued at over $3,000,000, and representing an area of 203,946 acres, nearly one third having to be credited to Virginia and another third to Georgia and Tennessee; 1,793,369 tons of cottonseed, valued at $15,852,525, sold by planters, mainly to oil-mills, and 5,700,239 bushels of grass and clover seed, upwards of 5,000,000 bushels of which were raised in the north central states. The same year florists sold plants to the value of $12,036,478, and cut-flowers to the value of $14,175,328. The products of nurseries are not reported, but the capital invested in the nursery business aggregates the large total of $52,425,670.

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