miles, but by virtue, also, of our established policy, which is inconsistent with the intervention of any European power in the domestic concerns of the republic.

"The wrongs which we have suffered from Mexico are before the world, and must deeply impress every American citizen. A government which is either unable or unwilling to redress such wrongs is derelict to its highest duties. The difficulty consists in selecting and enforcing the remedy. We may in vain apply to the constitutional government at Vera Cruz, although it is well disposed to do us justice, for adequate redress. Whilst its authority is recognized in all the important ports and throughout the sea-coasts of the republic, its power does not extend to the city of Mexico and the States in the vicinity, where nearly all the recent outrages have been committed on American citizens. We must penetrate into the interior before we can reach the offenders, and this can only be done by passing through the territory in the occupation of the constitutional government. The most acceptable and least difficult mode of accomplishing the object will be to act in concert with that government. Their consent and their aid might, I believe, be obtained; but if not, our obligation to protect our own citizens in their just rights, secured by treaty, would not be the less imperative. For these reasons, I recommend to Congress to pass a law authorizing the President, under such conditions as they may deem expedient, to employ a sufficient military force to enter Mexico for the purpose of obtaining indemnity for the past and security for the future.

"Mexico is now a wreck upon the ocean, drifting about as she is impelled by different factions. As a good neighbor, shall we not extend to her a helping hand to save her? If we do not, it would not be surprising should some other nation undertake the task, and thus force us to interfere at last, under circumstances of increased difficulty."

What are we to say of this kind neighbor, who, with the intent of piloting, aiding, saving, delivering, a state without support, demands to introduce into its territory military forces which the protected do not ask? — to succor it? No, no, to obtain indemnities and guaranties!

Upon another point, again, President Buchanan advises protective measures.

Europe knows little of the five republics of Central America, Nicaragua, Costa Rica, New Granada, San Salvador, and Honduras, which occupy, under the brightest skies of earth, a space as broad as France, and hold between the two parts of America the key of two seas and two continents, that curious bridge called the Isthmus of Panama. This bridge, so convenient for the neighboring states which it connects, is an obstacle, on the contrary, to the intercourse of nations in general; it is time that Cape Horn, like the Cape of Good Hope, should be avoided, and that a canal should intersect Panama like Suez.

*

This would shorten the distance from New York to San Francisco 3,600 leagues; from New York to Jeddo, 3,400 leagues; from New York to Canton, 3,200 leagues; from Bordeaux to San Francisco, 3,400 leagues; from Havre to San Francisco 3,500 leagues; from Cadiz to Manilla, 2,000 leagues; from London to San Francisco, 3,500 leagues; from London to Jeddo, 3,000 leagues; from London to Canton, 2,800 leagues; from London to Sydney, 2,200 leagues; from Amsterdam to Jeddo, 2,400 leagues. We can comprehend the importance that all nations must attach to preserving the neutrality of these countries, that no petty interest, no local disorder, may occur to put a

* See the very interesting memoir of our countryman, M. Belly, (Paris, 1858,) who has obtained from the governments of Nicaragua and Costa Rica a treaty, signed May 1, 1858, for the grant of a maritime canal by the river San Juan and Lake Nicaragua, a treaty which I hope that France will not suffer to become a dead letter. See also the learned paper published in England (1846) by Prince Louis Napoleon Bonaparte, now Emperor of France.

barrier in the way of the commerce of the world; yet without wounding the sovereign rights and lawful remuneration of the States of Central America. To this end, on the 19th of April, 1850, Mr. Clayton of the United States and Mr. Bulwer of England signed the treaty known by their names. But since this time, how many different interpretations have been given to this treaty! Mr. Buchanan began by disputing with England its ancient protectorate over the Mosquitos. For an insignificant claim, Greytown was bombarded. The adventurer Walker was not disavowed, and the patriotism of the citizens of Nicaragua and Costa Rica, commanded by President Mora, alone served to oppose him and drive him to Santa Rosa and Rivas (1855). Walker wrote after his defeat, "I may not live long enough to see the end of the war, but I feel that my comrades will not leave the result uncertain." The President of the United States seems ready to receive this legacy; he establishes clearly, in his message of 1858, the advantages of the neutrality of the Isthmus; but we feel that every attempt of any other nation, every treaty, every movement on the part of the sovereign states, will be considered as an infringement on neutrality, for which the Union will take it upon itself to demand reparation. She says to the ancient republics of Guatemala, as children do to each other in play, The first that stirs shall pay a forfeit.

The President asks Congress to authorize him to employ the land and naval forces of the United States to prevent transit from being obstructed or closed by illegal violence, and to protect the life and property of American citizens travelling this route. He goes still further. He pretends that the Americans have already suffered serious losses; they are entitled to indemnity, in something the same manner as the man who demanded indemnity for having torn his coat in knocking down his neighbor. The American Minister has demanded reparation, and the President does not hesitate to declare :

"Unless this demand shall be complied with at an early day, it will only remain for this government then to adopt such other measures as may be necessary, in order to obtain for itself the justice which it has in vain attempted to secure through peaceful means."

We will go no further. This somewhat lengthy analysis of these messages indicates precisely how low the policy of the United States, interpreted by a President who represented at once the ancient and modern American spirit, but who, above all, personified the views and passions of the Southern States, had fallen.

an im

To buy or seize upon Cuba, to settle Mexico, to intimidate, then occupy, Central America, such was the scheme. What the end thereof? On the one hand, immeasurably to aggrandize the American Union, to lay hands on mense portion of the terrestrial globe before having the power to people or defend it, to realize at any cost that unbridled ambition which impels the Saxon race to be everywhere the first occupants; and, above all, to aggrandize the South, to create for the South new Slave States, to bring a reinforcement in Congress to the power of the South; thus, in brief, to extend at once the country and servitude.

An audacious policy, imprudent and unjust, which, availing itself of every means, estranges and repels great citizens, inspires and gives birth to adventurers, transforms into piracy the part of a noble nation, and lessens its glory more rapidly than it extends its surface!

See, therefore, what slavery had made the policy of the United States on the eve of the great crisis which signalized the year 1860.

But before recounting this decisive event, let us inquire what influence slavery has had on the material and moral prosperity of the Union.

CHAPTER II.

THE NORTH AND SOUTH.

SLAVERY exists only in the Southern States of the confederation. How is it, then, that, ruled by this culpable interest, these States in their turn rule the whole confederation? Whence comes the preponderance manifested in the Federal legislation and policy? Is it that the South is richer, more populous, more intelligent than the North? Strange position! Socially, the North is progressing, the South declining. Politically, the North is conquered, the South victorious.

Proofs of this strange contrast abound.

The Slave States have a superficies of 851,448 square miles, or 544,926,720 acres; the Free States, 612,597 square miles, or 392,092,080 acres. Consequently, the first have 238,851 square miles, or 152,834,640 acres more than the second. Notwithstanding, the white population of the second amounts to 18,669,061, while that of the first is but 8,038,996, that is, 10,630,065 less inhabitants; and if the colored population, slave and free, be added, the North has in all 18,893,856 inhabitants, or 30.84 per square mile; the South, 12,240,294, or 14.34 per square mile; that is, 6,653,562 less inhabitants.