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routed by the national guard. M. Pulsky received a letter from the Emperor, which stated "that his resignation, as under secretary of state, had been accepted by His Majesty." He smiled at its contents, for he had not offered his resignation. On the 3rd October, an imperial proclamation dissolved the Diet, and appointed Jellachich dictator of Hungary, placing the country under martial law. Meanwhile the Viennese were indignant at the advance of Jellachich-the soldiers were discontented at being sent against the Hungarians the people endeavored to prevent their departure. They were summoned to disperse, and refused; the troops fired; the people returned the compliment; General Bredi fell dead, and the mi litary were obliged to retreat with the loss of one gun. The conflict was resumed; and Count Latour was murdered. The Viennese Diet sent to Schoenbrunn to request the Emperor to recall the appointment of Jellachich, and to grant a general amnesty. The Emperor promised to fulfil their request the next morning-and, the next morning, fled to Olmutz! The Hungarians would not cross the frontier, until legally summoned. At last, when Prince Windischgratz bombarded Vienna, the Hungarian army advanced; but the city capitulated before their arrival, and the undisciplined Magyars were repulsed, and returned to Presburg. On the 28th October, the Hungarian bishop addressed the King, describing the dreadful cruelties and ravages committed by the Serbs. The Austrian General, Puchner, had desired all his officers to renounce the oaths they had taken to the constitution. The Wallachs surrounded 1,200 civil officers, and others, with their wives and families, who were on their way to take refuge in Enyed. These were mangled, mutilated, beaten to death, impaled. Upwards of nine-tenths of the whole were murdered. The survivors, mostly women, and dreadfully wounded, dragged themselves to the gate of the fort of Karlsburg, where the commandant of the Austrian garrison refused them admittance! The bishops, finding their efforts unavailing, issued a pastoral letter, calling on all the people to obey the constituted authorities, i. e. the Diet. The Wallachs and Serbs, like the Croats, had been stirred up by Austrian emissaries.

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Hungary was menaced from nine points at once. She was in want of arms, gun-caps, medicines, brimstone, linen, &c., but nothing daunted. The committee of defence erected manufactories, which supplied all these wants. The unfortunate emperor, though weakened in mind and body by epilepsy, still retained so strong a sense of moral obligation, that, whenever the overthrow of the Hungarian constitution was advocated, no other answer could be obtained from him than "My oath, my oath; I cannot break my oath." His abdication was therefore determined upon; and his young nephew, the Arch Duke Francis Joseph, proclaimed in his stead. They then broached the doctrine, that the oath taken by a sovereign was only binding on him personally, and that therefore the young Emperor was free from all obligation towards Hungary; forgetting that the

same principle applied to the nation, and that, if the Emperor was in no wise bound to Hungary, Hungary was in no wise bound to him. On the 9th March, an imperial manifesto erased Hungary from the list of the independent nations of Europe, dividing its territory into five parts, separating Transylvania, Croatia, Sclavonia and Fiume from Hungary, and declaring the whole incorporated with the Austrian monarchy. The laws of 1848 were revoked, and Kossuth and the committee of defence outlawed. Perhaps so barefaced and so needless an act of perfidy was never perpetrated. The Diet declared that Francis Joseph could not be recognized as King, until he had taken the oath to the constitution, and been crowned according to the laws.

Gorgey was now commander-in-chief. Windischgratz was approaching with an overwhelming force. It was therefore deemed advisable to give up Buda. We will not dwell on the victories which followed, when Kossuth occupied one night the bed from which Windischgratz had fled in the morning, when Bem cleared Transylvania, and the Austrians were beaten six times in three weeks. But Gorgey, instead of pursuing his advantage, delayed and neglected all that should have been done. On the 14th of April, the Diet in a noble manifesto, worthy of being read and studied by all who can feel for an heroic people, declared, in manly and temperate language, that the house of Hapsburg-Lorraine had forfeited the throne. Kossuth was named Governor of Hungary, and, with rare patriotism and selfdevotion, offered to give up this, or any other, position, on which Gorgey might have set his heart. Kossuth wisely saw that the independence of Hungary was the point to be fought for; and he had no jealousy, either of the rise of another, or of the possibility of a military despotism. The brave Irishman, Guyon, plainly declared to Kossuth, that he would not fight under Gorgey, whom he considered as a traitor; but, under a more honest commander, he totally defeated Jellachich. It is inconceivable how even the confidence, natural to a generous and honest nature, could have so far blinded Kossuth's eyes to the treachery or folly of Gorgey's proceedings. On the approach of the Russians, whom the callous indifference of the other great powers had permitted to advance for the maintenance of tyranny, Gorgey, whose surrender had been spoken of as certain by Prince Wittgenstein, so far back as July 21st, declared that he could and would save Hungary-but only, if Kossuth resigned, and had him appointed dictator. Kossuth at once did so, and issued a proclamation, conferring the highest power upon Gorgey, and imposing upon the new dictator the responsibility of using his authority solely for the safety of the country. But Gorgey, having persuaded the army, that the Russians would return their arms, and march against the Austrians, as the Grand Duke Constantine was to be King of Hungary, surrendered at Vilagos on the 13th August, with 24,000 picked men, and an immense park of artillery. The tidings of the honourable treatment experienced by Gorgey and his officers, induced others of the Hungarian corps to surrender. Several stipula

ted for "the same conditions that had been granted to Gorgey "never dreaming that he had surrendered unconditionally.

Kossuth, Messaros, Bem, Guyon, Dembinsky, and others fled to Turkey. Klapka surrendered Komarom on honorable terms, which, it is needless to say, were grossly violated. Then the Austrian Government thought the time was come for revenge: and Haynau, who had so notoriously disgraced himself by cowardice, that the Russian Generals refused to act with him, became the willing executioner. On the 6th of October, 1849, four Generals were shot in Arad; eleven more were hanged. Among them was General Anlich, who, when asked for his defence, replied-" In July, 1848, by the order of the Emperor Francis, King of Hungary, I swore to the Hungarian constitution, and therefore I have remained true to my oath. I prefer death to perjury." The last was the gallant Damianics, hardly yet able to support himself on his broken leg. He had to witness the execution of twelve comrades. He said to an Austrian officer-" Ever the first in battle, why am I now to die the last?" The noble patriot, Count Louis Batthiany, who had been treacherously detained by Prince Windischgratz in June 1849, when sent with a flag of truce by the Diet, was shot at Pesth, on the evening of that bloody day, though he had been acquitted by the first court martial, by which he was tried. Condemned on false grounds by an illegal tribunal, he fell with the cry, "Eljen hazam"-" Long live my country," on his lips. Numbers of other victims followed. Of those who were spared, the colonels were condemned to eighteen, and the majors to sixteen, years' imprisonment. The "carcere duro" of Silvio Pellico may enlighten us on their fate; all others were forced to serve as private soldiers. In consequence of these executions, many of the Hungarian aristocracy, who, during the struggle, had retired to Austria, becoming passive lookers on, and who, after the surrender at Vilagos, had accepted office from the Austrian Government, now gave in their resignations, and returned to their estates.

In looking back on the struggle, we feel it to be an incomplete story. The Hungarians, after proving themselves more than a match for Austria, were crushed by treachery and Russia. Next time, Russia may have her hands full. It is not to be thought of, now that the truth is known, that there should not be found one among the great powers of Europe to throw her influence into the balance on the side of truth and right. The Hungarians require a military leader; one, who for the time shall wield both the military and civil power; one, on whom all can rely, and whose pre-eminence shall be so universally acknowledged, as to be a security against all contest for power, or jealousy of authority. Such a one, the Arch Duke Stephen might have been: but he proved himself unequal to the position, having preferred his family to his country. That Hungary will remain enslaved long by Austria, appears to us an impossibility;

For freedom's battle once begun,
Bequeathed from bleeding sire to son,
Though baffled oft, is ever won.

In giving (what we believe to be) a true and faithful account of the late events in Hungary, we must advert to a diplomatic weapon, which has been of great use to Austria. Was it not Fouché, who declared that a lie, believed for twenty-four hours, was a great advantage? But thanks to the general ignorance of our statesmen and diplomatists, both of geography and history, those, who wish to impose upon the British public, can generally reckon on a much longer period of credulity. One artifice has been very successful. Maps are usually copied from those published by the Governments of the respective countries. If therefore either Russia or Austria wishes to persuade the world, that such a territory is an integral part of her empire, she has only to colour her maps accordingly. Thus most people believe Circassia to belong to Russia (though the Russian boundary is the River Kubán, to the north of that country) and Hungary to be a part of the Austrian empire, because so say maps and manuals. Those, versed in the secret history of our own time, are aware that the ignorance of English statesmen in these matters has been calculated upon by the astute and well-trained Russians in more cases than that of Greece, in which the proposal of a perfectly indefensible frontier succeeded in causing Prince Leopold to decline the proffered crown. Numberless have been the misrepresentations of Austria. Those, accustomed to despatches from the fabulous Hystaspes, will not bear hard upon Jellachich, for styling his retreat to Raab, a flank movement,' or upon the Austrians, for styling their defeat by Klapka at Tokay a "victory ;"-though we might enquire why they retreated immediately afterwards; and we can smile at their describing the successful relief of Komoron as a manoeuvre, by which the Austrian General succeeded in forcing the Hungarian troops into the besieged fortress. We will not even notice their scurrilous personalities against Kossuth and the other patriots: but it is necessary to point out, that they not only accused Hungary of oppressing Croatia (how truly we have already seen), but they have represented this gallant struggle sometimes as "a Polish insurrection," incited, and carried on by Poles-and this, when even Prince Wittgenstein reckoned the Hungarian insurgents. at 140,000; and sometimes as a war carried on by the nobles for the purpose of enslaving the people! And many of our gôbemouche countrymen believed them! We do not hesitate to affirm that a more barefaced lie was never forced down the throats of a gullible public, and that a more thoroughly national contest never took place.

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And now a word of our authoress. We have left her out of sight, and we are inclined to complain of her for doing pretty much the same in her book. Her readers long to hear more of her, and her high minded husband. A young delicate and attractive woman, the only child of opulent parents, who had spared nothing to form her mind, or gratify her taste, she found in the ardent young Hungarian patriot, a man whose talents and heart were worthy of her own. The exclusive and borné society of Vienna had few attractions for so cultivated a mind. Circumstances, and perhaps a kind of presentiment, had thrown her

much into the best English society in Germany; and the tastes, thus excited, she found fully gratified in her new home in Hungary. She gives a delightful sketch of her life as lady of the manor, active without, happy within, with two lovely babes born in prosperity and affluence. Her third saw the light under far different circumstances. M. Pulsky, after taking a distinguished part in public affairs, was sent to England as envoy from the Diet; and there his heroic wife succeeded in joining him. The Austrian Government having had the meanness to confiscate not only her husband's property, but her's, they now owe their subsistence chiefly to the pen: and the young wife and mother now offers the spectacle of the gentle heroism, the indomitable courage, cheerfulness, and hope, which are often found even in the most delicate frame and retiring nature.

Mr. Clark's little work is the production of a young Scotch-man. It is written in a pleasing though somewhat grandiloquent style, contains a brief, but spirited and accurate, sketch of Hungarian history, and conveys very vividly the impressions, warm from the heart, of an intelligent and observant eye-witness.

Note. The infamous Haynau has since been disgraced; and his latest public appearance has been as the Hero of the Brewery.

Journal of the American Oriental Society. Boston. 1849.

THE land of the Pilgrim Fathers is taking a high position in the department of Oriental studies, as the works of Stuart, Robinson, and others of the New England School show. The eagerness, with which German, the fount of modern philological science, is cultivated, has given a depth to linguistic research among the Americans, equalling, or even excelling, that in the mother country. While the British Government of Bengal gives little countenance to Oriental studies, which are so useful for acquiring a knowledge of the native character and consequently in the administration of justice, we see the genius of Orientalism pluming his wings in the valley of the Rhine, on the banks of the Seine, and now in a land trodden, not many centuries ago, by no foot save that of the roving Indian.

The American Oriental Society was formed in 1842, at Boston, for the cultivation of the Asiatic, Polynesian, and African languages; and, notwithstanding the obstacles arising from the immature state of American institutions, and the bustling activity of the people, it has made great way-the Missionary enterprise, commercial zeal, and the popular education of the country, adding to its ranks a host of supporters. Studies of an Oriental class are calculated to give a sobriety and enlargement to the American mind, which is in danger of adopting a frivolous tone from the multiplicity of periodicals, party newspapers, and works of light literature, which form the chief staple at present

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