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which you had lost, by not attending to | to be made, without delay, for enabling the advice received last Christmas from a noble lord (Chatham) who is the glory and ornament of his country? Instead of being thus laudably employed, you have been amusing yourselves at your country seats, and counting your well-gotten treasure. If this nation be happy enough to be still before-hand with the enemy, it does not appear to owe that happiness to the prudence or diligence of its ministers. Fortune, blind fortune, is the minister, to whom we must kneel for that blessing.

your Majesty to do yourself justice, in case your requisition to the court of Spain should fail to procure it, demands our most hearty acknowledgments; and we rejoice to find that your Majesty will not discontinue these preparations until you shall have received a proper reparation for the injury, as well as satisfactory proof that other powers are equally sincere with your Majesty in the resolution to preserve the general tranquillity. In the prosecution of this your Majesty's purpose, your Majesty will not be disappointed in your expectation of receiving from your faithwhich, in the progress of this very imporful Commons every degree of support tant business, shall become requisite: The Commons' Address of Thanks.] into the consideration of the supplies for with this view, we will enter without delay

It being now half past ten o'clock, and the question much called for, the Address was read by the Speaker, and agreed to

without a division.

The Address was as follows:

"Most Gracious Sovereign, "We your Majesty's most dutiful and loyal subjects, the Commons of Great Britain in parliament assembled, return your Majesty our humble thanks for your most gracious Speech from the throne.

"We beg leave to offer to your Majesty our congratulations on the happy delivery of her Majesty, and on the birth of another princess; esteeming every increase of your Majesty's royal family an additional security for the continuance of that happiness which we have already experienced under its auspicious govern

ment.

"Among the many proofs we have received of your Majesty's constant attention to the welfare and prosperity of your people, your Majesty's earnest desire to continue to us the blessings of peace, could not fail to inspire us with sentiments of gratitude and affection: but we could have reaped little real satisfaction from the enjoyment of those blessings, had we not at the same time been able to place the justest confidence in your Majesty, that you would never be induced, by a mistaken tenderness for the present ease of your people, to sacrifice their more essential and more lasting interests. These we cannot but consider as having been dangerously struck at, by the violence lately committed by a Spanish governor upon one of your Majesty's possessions. Under these circumstances, your Majesty's determination to make an immediate demand from the court of Spain of such satisfaction as you had a right to expect, and at the same time to direct the necessary preparations

the ensuing year; and whatever extraordinary expences the public service shall require, we will cheerfully provide for, in such manner as may be least burdensome to your Majesty's subjects.

"In considering the state of your Majesty's colonies in North America, we will neglect no means of securing the commercial interests of this kingdom, or of providing for the protection of your Majesty's good subjects there from every degree of violence and oppression.

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"We return your Majesty our unfeigned thanks, for the timely precautions you have used, for guarding against the introduction of that fatal contagion which has of late appeared in some of the distant parts of Europe: and while, with your Majesty, we place our ultimate reliance upon the Divine Providence for our preservation from so great a calamity, we shall consider it as our indispensable duty to make use of every reasonable precaution which human foresight can suggest to us.

"We assure your Majesty, that we will apply ourselves with all due diligence to the dispatch of the public business; in which we will not fail steadily to pursue those great ends recommended to us by your Majesty in your Speech from the throne, as well as by your royal example. And if any hopes should have been conceived, or it may have been any where surmised, that among your Majesty's people there were any such differences subsisting, as could in the least degree abate the ardour of their affectionate attachment for your Majesty, or prevent their joining, as one man, in seconding

claims:

your Majesty's views, for maintaining | expressing the time and times at which unsullied the lustre of your crown, and the crown of Spain did set up such preserving undiminished the rights of your people, we doubt not, by our proceedings, to convince the world how false and injurious are all such surmises; and to make it manifest, that, whenever we are called upon in the cause of our king and country, there will be but one heart and one voice among our faithful Commons."

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3. "That he will be graciously pleased to give directions that there be laid before this House, copies or extracts of all Letters and other Papers containing any intelligence received by any of his Majesty's principal secretaries of state, the commissioners for executing the office of lord high admiral of Great Britain, or any other of his Majesty's ministers, between the 12th of September, 1769, and the 12th of September, 1770, touching the state of the Spanish land and sea forces in the West Indies, as they stood on or since the 1st of June, 1769; and also, touching the departure of any ships of war or land forces from the ports of Spain, to any part of the Spanish West Indies, since the said 1st of June, 1769, expressing the time and times at which such intelligence was re

The question being put upon the first motion,

"Your ready concurrence in my sentiments, and your cheerful assurances of support, afford me the highest satisfaction.ceived." You may be assured of the continuance of my endeavours to preserve to my kingdoms the blessing of peace; but I shall consider it as a blessing so long only, as it can be enjoyed consistently with the honour of my crown, and without prejudice to the rights of my people."

Lord Weymouth said:

My lords; if I had no objection to the motion now before your lordships but the period at which it is made, that would of itself be sufficient to excite my disap-. probation. The noble duke who made it, is not perhaps entirely aware of the consequences which it must produce, of the inconveniences it must necessarily occasion, of the evils to which it must immediately give birth. We are now, my lords, engaged in a negociation of great importance with the Spanish nation; the ho

Debate in the Lords on the Duke of Richmond's Motion respecting the Seizure of Falkland's Islands.*] November 22. The duke of Richmond moved, 1. "That an humble Address be presented to his Majesty, that he will be graciously pleased to give directions, that there be laid before this House, copies or extracts of all Letters and other Papers containing any in-nour, as well as the happiness of two great telligence received by any of his Majesty's principal secretaries of state, the commissioners for executing the office of lord high admiral of Great Britain, or any other of his Majesty's ministers, between the 12th of September, 1769, and the 12th of September, 1770, touching any hostilities commenced, or designed to be commenced by the crown. of Spain, or any of its officers, against any part of his Majesty's dominions, expressing the time and times at which such intelligence was received:

2. "That he will be graciously pleased to give orders, that this House be acquainted with any Claims that may have been set up by the crown of Spain, to his Majesty's islands called Falkland's islands,

• From the London Magazine,

kingdoms, are at stake in this negociation, and their secrets are of a nature too tender to undergo the general inspection of every power in Europe: was there a possibility of indulging the wishes of this House, without making the whole universe acquainted with transactions that should be carefully confined to the cabinet, I could have but little to say against the present proposition; but when, in laying the papers required before your lordships, they are, in fact, exposed to all the world: when they are consequently to be mentioned in our prints, and circulated through the remotest quarters of the globe, I think it more for the happiness of the British empire, to decline even the satisfaction now demanded for your lordships, than to open the sources of our intelligence, the springs of our action, and the principles of

our conduct to suspicious friends, profess- | possibility of a salutary consequence:

ed rivals, or determined enemies; besides was it even prudent on our own account, to unlock the English cabinet in this manner to all Europe, we have, as yet, no right to betray the secrets of the Spanish court; they are now treating with us confidentially; they are now induced to negociate by a reliance upon our discretion, whereas a rude publication of what they communicate to us under the sacred seal of secrecy, must, at once, put an end to all amicable intercourse; must at once open a scene of carnage, and spread all the horrors of war through two extensive empires, who may still be fortunately reconciled, by a fatal effusion of blood.

When I say this, my lords, it is very far from my wish to insinuate any fear of commencing hostilities, any dread of engaging in a war with Spain, should the necessity of such a measure become unavoidable; but when I recollect, that in the most successful, the most glorious wars this country ever carried on, the nation was still a sufferer; when I recollect that conquests are seldom, if ever made without an expence exceeding, greatly exceeding their intrinsic value; when I, moreover, recollect the blood of numberless fellow subjects, which must be poured in rivers at the altar of victory; I own a war brings horror to my imagination; and I wish to procrastinate the period of calamity, as long as honour will justify the delay.

Having mentioned the word honour, my lords, suffer me to observe, that by national honour, I do not mean the raving of the rash, or enthusiasm of the prejudiced; by national honour, I mean a prudent preservation of our territories; à spirited exertion of our independence, and a rigid fidelity to our engagements; this is my criterion of national honour; and I can boldly affirm that by this criterion, the present negociation with Spain will not only be regulated, but concluded; do not however complain that negociation is fruitless, till there is sufficient time allowed for negociating; the claims of kingdoms are nice, intricate, and important; they must be clearly understood, to be positively granted; realms and oceans are not so readily traversed as the vehemence of misjudging zeal may wish: nor can we fasten the wings of the winds, by the strongest act of parliament: I am on these accounts, my lords, for the previous question; I see many evils attending the motion before us, but cannot even guess at the most distant

those whom the royal confidence has particularly appointed to transact this weighty affair, are in possession of all the necessary knowledge, and as their conduct has hitherto been honoured by a powerful parliamentary support, there cannot exist a reason for supposing that upon the present occasion they will act unworthy of their master's good opinion, or injuriously to the true prosperity of the people. The Duke of Richmond:

My lords; notwithstanding the arguments urged by the noble lord against the motion with which I presumed to trouble your lordships, yet I flatter myself that when this House has heard the grounds upon which it is made, the independent part, at least, will honour it with their sup port. Facts are stubborn things, and can boldly face all the oratory of administration. On the 3rd of last June, the Tamer sloop arrived at Plymouth, and brought an account that a Spanish squadron had appeared off Falkland island, and ordered our people to depart; this was a clear commencement of hostilities, my lords; from the 3rd of June, to the 12th of September, (above three months) when our garrison arrived on board the Favourite, it does not appear that the ministry took any step for obtaining redress, or to put the nation in a state of defence; the first orders for equipping a fleet were given on or after the 12th of September; and this armament, such as it is, has not yet produced any visible effect; since the 12th of September, near three months are elapsed, and still we are told, "that the affair is in negociation, that the negociation is still pending;" in that time three messengers have arrived from Madrid, and particularly one last Monday; and although three days have since passed, no communication has yet been made from the court of Spain. The terms of the motion, my lords, plainly obviate the objection made by the noble lord, since I did not call for any papers of a date subsequent to the notice received by the ministry of the hostility being actually committed; consequently my motion cannot reach to any letters written, or received, or to any negociation entered into, after the receipt of that notice; I mean only to obtain for the House some accurate information of circumstances leading to, and accounting for a fact which is itself notorious, and undisputed. I wanted to avert our disgrace and infamy

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in suffering the honour of the crown, and the rights of the people of England to be so long the subject of negociation;-I wanted to prove the folly, or treachery of the King's servants, in not accepting of the augmentation of seamen proposed and urged by the lords in opposition, early in the last session, when a proposal for strengthening the hands of government had been rejected, merely because it came from that quarter ; -I wanted to prove their supineness, or treachery, in not arming early in June, when they heard of our people being warned to quit the island, by a military force threatening compulsion; —and lastly, I wanted to prove the feebleness and slow progress of the armament they have made, and the disgraceful situation of the King, who stood with a public affront, and dishonour fixed upon his crown, and without any attempt made, in the course of six months, to wipe it away. The hostile intentions of Spain, my lords, were not only declared by the open hostility itself, but confirmed by two extraordinary facts; after the Spaniards had taken possession of Port Egmont, they did not suffer the garrison to depart immediately, but took away the rudder of his Majesty's ship, and detained her by force for the space of 20 days;-supposing they had a claim to the island, they had none to the King's ship; and detaining her was an express violation of treaty, by which, even in the case of an open rupture, six months are allowed to the subjects of each nation to remove their persons and property from the dominions of the other. The other fact, my lords, is still more important. I have intelligence not to be doubted, that at this moment, there are in the several Spanish prisors not less than 3,000 British seamen, (particularly at Ceuta on the coast of Africa), who have been taken out of our merchant ships by Spanish guarda costas, and condemned to perpetual slavery, or confinement. To confirm this assertion, my lords, give me leave to inform you that five of our seamen have been demanded by one of our admirals, and been refused by a Spanish admiral, and governor, who indeed expressed a willingness to oblige him, but alledged that it would be a breach of their orders, and instructions.

These were the principal materials of his grace's speech. The several parts were filled up with judicious, and pointed observations, expressed in clear, nervous language, and delivered with plainness and dignity.

The Earl of Hillsborough :

My lords; though the noble duke has been pleased to give this House what he thinks a narrative of very great importance; a narrative at which he imagines your indignation must be instantly roused against the insolence of the haughty Spaniard, I do not, by any means, conceive that his arguments, even admitting the authenticity of his facts, can be decisive on the present question. A negociation is now opened relative to the hostilities complained of between Great Britain and Spain; the court of Madrid disavows the behaviour of its officer; it promises every equitable satisfaction to this nation; and as the noble lord who first opposed the motion, has not judged it necessary to throw out any lights for the information of the House, I will take upon me to declare, that I am acquainted with the contents of the papers required; and I will farther venture to assert, that the object of dispute is in as fair a way of being amicably adjusted, as we can wish: nay, in so very fair a way, that nothing but the intemperance of party can possibly prevent its terminating to the honour, to the advantage of this kingdom.

My lords, the noble duke expresses a most vehement solicitude for the reputation of his country, and perhaps his grace may be as sincere as he is passionate in his declarations; but give me leave to say, that excessive warmth, though it may be a sign of truth, is no great evidence of discretion. His grace is so zealous for our national character, that he is for rushing into all the horrors of a precipitate war upon the slightest occasions. He seems in general an enemy to explanations; if the shadow of an offence is offered to the British empire, he will not enquire, whether that shadow is offered intentionally by the Spanish crown, or accidentally by the folly of a Spanish officer. A whole people must be made instantly answerable for the misconduct, possibly, for the misconception of an individual. Hostilities must at all events be commenced, and the whole European world be plunged into a war of years, to effect what may probably be effected by a negociation of a few weeks.

My lords, the noble duke will perhaps say that, according to this mode of reasoning, Spain, while she continues negociating, may also continue her depredations upon the dominions of Great Britain, and may perhaps politically protract

the negociation for the very purpose of making fresh encroachments; the noble duke may amuse himself with the supposi tion of this or any other absurdity; but I am satisfied the supposition will have no weight with this House; if the Falkland rock has furnished both kingdoms with so serious a matter of consideration; if Spain sees that we are not to be deprived of so insignificant an object, without satisfaction, and if she sees us already encreasing our armaments for the end of exacting any justice by force, which is denied to us by treaty; she must know that giving us a new cause of complaint, will be deemed a commencement of hostilities. She will therefore have a regard for herself, however she may wish to distress us; and will be cautious from prudence, if she is not even honest from inclination.

My lords, the noble duke expresses himself highly concerned for the honour of his country, and thinks that this honour has been infamously betrayed by administration; the folly or treachery of the ministers, says his grace, is surprizing, in not accepting of the augmentation of seamen proposed and urged by the lords in opposition, early in the last session; the supineness or treachery of the ministers is also surprizing, in not arming early in June, when they heard of our people being ordered to evacuate the Falkland islands; and above all, the feebleness of our armament, as well as the disgraceful situation of the crown, in tamely submitting to such an indignity, is surprizing; in fact, my lords, if his grace's word is to be relied on, the ministry have been all this time sacrificing the glory of their sovereign, and the happiness of their country; the two Houses of Parliament have been their confederates in the turpitude, and the King, together with a prodigious majority of the landed as well as the monied interest, have been industrious to sacrifice their own welfare, and open a long scene of misery for their unhappy posterity.

To set the noble duke however right in this point, who affirms so peremptorily, that the honour of the nation has been infamously neglected; I must beg your lordships' permission to inform him, that the moment certain intelligence arrived, of our having cause to find fault, a spirited resolution was taken to demand satisfaction. The honour of the nation, as well as the prosperity, made it necessary to demand this satisfaction peaceably; altercations often rise between kingdoms, through

the negligence, the ignorance, or the insolence of officers, where there is even no intention whatever of a quarrel between their governments. Our own officers have not, at all times, behaved so circumspectly, but our neighbours have had occasion to be offended; to maintain the honour of the nation, therefore, it was requisite to act with common understanding; it was necessary before we resented, to know how far we had a warrantable right to resent; it was necessary to know whether Don Francisco Buccarelli, or the Spanish court was to blame; when this point was determined, the system to be adopted was obvious; if the Spaniard was not to be argued into justice, he was to be com. pelled; with this view, administration, though willing to avoid the calamities of war if possible, prepared at all events for the worst; the preparations for war went hand in hand with the plan of negociating, and I again aver, that there is the most reasonable ground to expect a speedy accommodation, if the turbulence of patriotism does not prevent so desirable a circumstance, by rendering it impossible for the cabinet at Madrid to comply with our demands, and to gratify their own inclination.

My lords, the people of Spain have exalted sentiments of honour as well as the English; we know their general characteristic as well as our own, to be sensibility in the extreme, and bravery to extravagance; they are willing to be just, but like ourselves they will not be bullied into justice; they will not have that demanded as the concession of their fears, which should be required as the result of their probity; they will suffer distress infinitely sooner than dishonour; and if we talk only of forcing them into our mea sures, they will make that force indispensably requisite. Nations, my lords, in this respect, resemble individuals, affront their pride, and you oblige them to refuse the very satisfaction which you wish for; tell them, that you will chastise them into rectitude, and you make it absolutely impossible for them to do what is right: a breach in that case becomes mortal: the sword must be instantly drawn, and one or both of the parties be doomed to more than probable destruction.

The noble duke will here very likely observe, notwithstanding the very melancholy colours in which it is the fashion for popular declaimers to paint the present situation of this country, that, in a contest

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