them:

Be to her faults a little blind: 'Be to her virtues very kind.'

A great deal has been said without doors, of the power, of the strength of America. It is a topic that ought to be cautiously meddled with. In a good cause, on a sound bottom, the force of this country can crush America to atoms. I know the valour of your troops. I know the skill of your officers. There is not a company of foot that has served in America, out of which you may not pick a man of sufficient knowledge and experience, to make a governor of a colony there. But on this ground, on the Stamp Act, when so many here will think it a crying injustice, I am one who will lift up my hands against it.

In such a cause, your success would be hazardous. America, if she fell, would fall like a strong man. She would embrace the pillars of the state, and pull down the constitution along with her. Is this your boasted peace? Not to sheath the sword in its scabbard, but to sheath it in the bowels of your countrymen? Will you quarrel with yourselves, now the whole House of Bourbon is united against you? While France disturbs your fisheries in Newfoundland, embarrasses your slave trade to Africa, and withholds from your subjects in Canada, their property stipulated by treaty; while the ransom for the Manillas is denied by Spain, and its gallant conqueror basely traduced into a mean plunderer, a gentleman, (colonel Draper) whose noble and generous spirit would do honour to the proudest grandee of the country. The Americans have not acted in all things with prudence and temper. They have been wronged. They have been driven to madness by injustice. Will you punish them for the madness you have occasioned? Rather let prudence and temper come first from this side. 1 will undertake for America, that she will

Upon the whole, I will beg leave to tell the House what is really my opinion. It is, that the Stamp Act be repealed absolutely, totally, and immediately. That the reason for the repeal be assigned, because it was founded on an erroneous principle. At the same time, let the sovereign authority of this country over the colonies, be asserted in as strong terms as can be devised, and be made to extend to every point of legislation whatsoever. That we may bind their trade, confine their manufactures, and exercise every power whatsoever, except that of taking their money out of their pockets without their consent.* Mr. Nicholson Calvert said:

Sir; I last year gave my vote for laying a stamp duty in North America: the right of the legislature of Great Britain was not then called in question: and I must confess I did then think nothing could be founded more upon the basis of equity and fairness, than for America to support that force which was to be maintained merely and solely for her benefit and protection.

I have, Sir, since that time altered my opinion. I think, Sir, it ill behoves any member of this House to change his opinion lightly. I therefore beg leave, in the shortest manner I am able, to lay before the House those reasons which have thus induced me to change my opinion, and at the same time not presuming to think any thing I can lay before the House can give the least weight or addition to the great opinions which have been already offered, but merely as an apology for my own conduct in this great and important business.

On the outset of this great affair, Sir, two opinions, both equally true, (though carrying with them a seeming contradiction in this particular) were set before us, The one, that in all free countries no one can be taxed but by himself, or representative. The other, that there never was

* "In the course of this debate, Mr. Edmund Burke made his first speech in parliament; and Mr. Pitt complimented him upon it, in terms peculiarly flattering to a young man." Life of lord Chatham.

any country, since the Creation, where there was not somewhere lodged, for the superintendancy of the whole, one supreme legislative authority, controling, directing, and governing the whole.

As to the first proposition, no doubt of it, it is, according to all the authors who have ever wrote upon that subject, the very criterion of liberty; there is no lover of liberty but treats it as such. The right hon. gentleman (Mr. Pitt) reasoning upon this subject," That the Americans migrating from this country, carrying with them all the rights of free-born Englishmen, struggling through the greatest hardships and difficulties, having at last founded that which will one day produce a mighty empire, having lived uninterruptedly for the space of near two centuries, without any internal tax laid upon them; that the moment you lay that tax upon them, they are that instant slaves; for they that moment cease to have any property, when you have once confirmed an authority of taking any part of that property away, unheard, unrepresented, that you have the same right to every farthing they are worth, as to any part of it."

I must own, Sir, these arguments struck deep into my mind; I saw the right hon. gentleman's reasoning founded on the broad basis of liberty, and, for ought I know, of sound policy. But alas, Sir! I could not at the same time but most heartily from my soul lament the truly deplorable state of this country; the present generation (and I see not any prospect for the succeeding one more promising) passing away in beggary and distress, all resources whatever cut off, and all this for our future benefit and advantage. God send it may so prove!

But, Sir, as this matter has been cut short by the resolution of this House; that the parliament of Great Britain has, in all cases whatever, a right to lay taxes upon her colonies; the great question now before you, I think, may be confined to two points; that having this right, how far you may be able to carry it into execution? Or, being able to carry it into execution, how far it may be thought proper and prudent to exert that authority under the present situation?

Sir, it has always been my opinion, to lay any taxes upon a numerous people, situated as the Americans are, without their consent, is impossible. It is a widely different thing, Sir, the quelling a paltry riot in Moorfields, or Bloomsbury-square,

to that of making two millions of people, distributed from one corner of the American continent to the other, all unanimous in the opinion of right being on their side, submit to your decisions. It matters little to the question, whether they are in the right or not; they think themselves so.

Can this be done but by force? The thought of putting it to the trial, Sir, strikes me with horror! Let us not, Sir, drive them to despair; the despair of a brave people always turns to courage: that courage once exerted, God knows what may be the end of it. But, alas! will those misfortunes await the Americans alone! What must become of your own manufacturers here at home, while this contest is carrying on in America? Will the many thousands of this country, who depend on your American trade for their support, remain quiet, without victuals to eat, till you have made the Americans submit by force of arms? I much doubt whether the mischief may not be brought to your own doors long before the conflict is ended.

Upon the whole, Sir, notwithstanding the right is now so indubitably asserted by the legislature of this country, notwithstanding you were certain by force of arms to carry that resolution into execution, yet I for one should be of opinion, that right, and that ability to exercise that right, is, at this time, neither proper nor expedient to be carried into execution.

The Commons Address of Thanks.] The Address was then agreed to without a division, as follows:

"Most Gracious Sovereign,

"We, your Majesty's most dutiful and loyal subjects, the Commons of Great Britain, in parliament assembled, return your Majesty our most humble thanks for your most gracious Speech from the throne.

"It is with the highest sense of your Majesty's goodness we acknowledge that care for the welfare of your people, and that confidence in the loyalty and affection of your faithful Commons, which your Majesty shews in the early communication your Majesty has been pleased to order, of the necessary informations relative to the disturbances in America. Your reliance on the wisdom and duty of your parliament in a matter of so great importance, and the attention shewn by your Majesty, in reserving to our deliberation and advice the joint concern of your Majesty's royal authority, the rights of your parliament,

and the happiness of your subjects, are at once objects of our highest admiration and gratitude.

"It is our duty, as it shall be our care, to imitate that temper and equanimity which appears in your Majesty's conduct, by mixing with our zeal for the honour of your Majesty's government, and with our just regard for the dignity and authority of parliament, the utmost attention to the important objects of the trade and navigation of these kingdoms, and the tenderest concern for the united interest of all your Majesty's people.

"It is with inexpressible grief we are again called upon to condole with your Majesty on the death of another prince of your royal family, whose amiable disposition, and whose early virtues in the first dawn of life, while they shew him worthy of the illustrious race he sprung from, must now double our regret for his untimely loss.

"The general state of peace and tranquillity, so happily reigning in all parts of Europe, must give the greatest satisfaction to every one who has any concern for the true interest of this country, or who feels for the general happiness of mankind.

and care of our own honour, did we a moment neglect our part, in promoting all such wise and salutary measures as may tend to reflect dignity on your Majesty's government, and fix the welfare of your people on the most solid foundations."

PAPERS RELATING TO THE DISTURBANCES IN AMERICA, ON ACCOUNT OF THE STAMP ACT.] The following are copies of some of the most material Letters and Papers relative to the disturbances in America, which Mr. Secretary Conway, by his Majesty's command, laid this day before the House of Commons. LETTER from Mr. Secretary CONWAY, to

Lieut. Gov. FAQUIER.

Sept. 14, 1765. Sir; It is with the greatest pleasure I received his Majesty's commands to declare to you his most gracious approbation of your conduct. His Majesty and his servants are satisfied, that the precipitate resolutions you sent home did not take their rise from any remissness or inattention in you; nor is his Majesty at all inclined to suppose, that any instance of diffidence or dissatisfaction could be founded in the general inclination of his antient and loyal colony of Virginia; the nature of the thing and your representations induce a persuasion, that those ill-ad

"We assure your Majesty that we shall, with the greatest cheerfulness, grant your Majesty the supplies necessary for the current service of the year, having the firmest reliance on the promise your Majesty is graciously pleased to make, of seeing them duly applied, with that economy which your own wisdom will direct, and which the circumstances of this country so strongly demand.

"The unanimity and dispatch which your Majesty is pleased to recommend, we shall, from motives both of duty and inclination, endeavour to make the rule of our proceedings; being sensible that nothing can more immediately tend to add weight to the deliberations of parliament, or efficacy to their resolutions.

"And as the constant tenor of your Majesty's conduct shews that the happiness and prosperity of your people are the sole objects of your concern, we should be equally wanting in duty to our sovereign,

violence of some individuals, who taking the advantage of a thin assembly, so far prevailed, as to publish their own unformed opinions to the world as the sentiments of the colony. But his Majesty, Sir, will not, by the prevalence of a few men, at a certain moment, be persuaded to change the opinion, or lessen the confidence, he has always entertained of the colony of Virginia; which has always experienced the protection of the crown. His Majesty's servants, therefore, with entire reliance on your prudence, and on the virtue and wisdom of the colony entrusted to your care, persuade themselves, that when a full assembly shall calmly and maturely deliberate upon those resolutions, they will see, and be themselves alarmed at, the dangerous tendency and mischievous consequences which they might be productive of, both to the mother country and the colonies, which are the equal objects of his Majesty's parental care; and whose mutual happiness and prosperity certainly require a confidential reliance of the colonies upon the mother country.

be necessary; so as justly to temper your conduct between that caution and coolness, which the delicacy of such a situation may demand on the one hand, and the vigour necessary to suppress outrage and violence on the other. It is impossible, at this distance, to assist you by any particular or positive instruction, because you will find yourself necessarily obliged to take your resolution as particular circumstances and emergencies may require.

Upon these principles, Sir, and upon your prudent management, and a proper representation to the wise and sober part of the people, how earnest his Majesty is to extend the happy influence of his fatherly care over every part of his dominions, it is expected that a full assembly will form very different resolutions, such as may cement that union, which alone can establish the safety and prosperity of the colonies, and the mother country.

As there is no intention in the crown to attempt, nor in the King's servants to advise, any incroachments on the real rights and liberties of any part of his Majesty's subjects; so neither will his Majesty undoubtedly submit, or servants advise, under any circumstances, that the respect which is due to parliament, and which is necesfor the general good of the whole British empire, should any where be made a sacrifice to local and dangerous prejudices.

As this important matter is, however, now before his Majesty's privy council, as well as the other consideration of the dangerous riot and mutinous behaviour of the people on the frontiers, I shall not pretend to give any advice or instructions on these subjects; not doubting, but you will soon have the fullest from the wisdom of that board, in all those things, in which, by your last accounts, the most essential interests of the colony are so deeply concerned.

You will therefere, in the mean time, be very attentive, by every prudent measure in your power, at once to maintain the just rights of the British government, and to preserve the peace and tranquillity of the provinces committed to your care.

But as these appear to me matters of government fit for his Majesty's more immediate notice and information, I must beg you will not fail to transmit to me such occurrences, from time to time, on these heads, as you may deem of importance in the light I mention. I am, &c.

H. S. CONWAY.

Extract of a LETTER from Mr. Secretary CONWAY, to Major General GAGE.

October 24, 1765. Sir; It is with the greatest concern, that his Majesty learns the disturbances which have arisen in some of the North American colonies: these events will probably create application to you, in which the utmost exertion of your prudence may [VOL. XVI.]

It is hoped, and expected, that this want of confidence in the justice and tenderness of the mother country, and this open resistance to its authority, can only have found place among the lower and more ignorant of the people. The better and wiser part of the colonies will know, that decency and submission may prevail not only to redress grievances, but to obtain grace and favour, while the outrage of a public violence can expect nothing but severity and chastisement. You and all his Majesty's servants, from a sense of your duty to, and love of, your country, will endeavour to excite and encourage these sentiments.

If, by lenient and persuasive methods, you can contribute to restore that peace and tranquillity to the provinces, on which their welfare and happiness depend, you will do a most acceptable and essential service to your country: but having taken every step which the utmost prudence and lenity can dictate, in compassion to the folly and ignorance of some misguided people, you will not, on the other hand, where your assistance may be wanted to strengthen the hands of government, fail to concur in every proper measure for its support, by such a timely exertion of force as may be necessary to repel acts of outrage and violence, and to provide for the maintenance of peace and good order in the provinces.

LETTER from Mr. Secretary CONWAY, to

Governor BERNARD.

Nothing can, certainly, exceed the illadvised and intemperate conduct held by a party in your province, which can in no way contribute to the removal of any real grievance they might labour under, but may tend to obstruct and impede the exertion of his Majesty's benevolent attention to the ease and comfort, as well as the welfare, of all his people.

It is hoped, and expected, that this want of confidence in the justice and tenderness of the mother country, and this open resistance to its authority, can only have found place among the lower and more ignorant of the people; the better and more wise part of the colonies will know, that decency and submission may prevail, not only to redress grievances, but to obtain grace and favour, while the outrage of a public violence can expect nothing but severity and chastisement. These sentiments, you, and all his. Majesty's servants, from a sense of your duty to, and love of, your country, will endeavour to excite and encourage: you will all, in a particular manner, call upon them not to render their case desperate; you will, in the strongest colours, represent to them the dreadful consequences that must inevitably attend the forcible and violent resistance to acts of the British parliament, and the scene of misery and distraction to both countries, inseparable from such a conduct.

If, by lenient and persuasive methods, you can contribute to restore that peace and tranquillity to the provinces, on which their welfare and happiness depend, you will do a most acceptable and essential service to your country; but having taken every step which the utmost prudence and lenity can dictate, in compassion to the folly and ignorance of some misguided people, you will not, on the other hand, fail to use your utmost power for repelling all acts of outrage and violence, and to provide for the maintenance of peace and good order in the province, by such a timely exertion of force, as the occasion may require; for which purpose, you will make the proper applications to general

Majesty's land and naval forces in America: for however unwillingly his Majesty may consent to the exertion of such powers as may endanger the safety of a single subject, yet can he not permit his own dignity, and the authority of the British legislature, to be trampled on by force and violence, and in avowed contempt of all order, duty, and decorum.

If the subject is aggrieved, he knows in what manner legally and constitutionally to apply for relief: but it is not suitable, either to the safety or dignity of the British empire, that any individuals, under the pretence of redressing grievances, should presume to violate the public peace. I am, &c. H. & CONWAY.

P. S. The sloop which carries this will carry orders to lord Colvil, and to the governor of Nova Scotia, to send to your assistance any force which may be thought necessary from thence, and which that province can supply.

Mr. Secretary CONWAY'S CIRCULAR
LETTER to the Governors in North
America.

that

October 24, 1765. Sir; it is with the greatest concern, his Majesty learns the disturbances which have arisen in some of the North American colonies: if this evil should spread to the government of, where you preside, the utmost exertion of your prudence will be necessary, so as justly to temper your conduct between that caution and coolness which the delicacy of such a situation may demand, on the one hand, and the vigour necessary to suppress outrage and violence on the other. It is impossible, at this distance, to assist you, by any particular or positive instruction; because you will find yourself necessarily obliged to take your resolution, as particular circumstances and emergencies may require.

His Majesty, and the servants he honours with his confidence, cannot but lament the ill-advised intemperance shewn already in some of the provinces, by taking up a conduct, which can in no way contribute to the removal of any real griev ance they might labour under, but may tend to obstruct and impede the exertion of his Majesty's benevolence and attention to the ease and comfort, as well as the welfare, of all his people.

It is hoped and expected, that this want of confidence in the justice and tenderness of the mother country, and this open re