the first to applaud the exalted extrava-member who has brought this enquiry begance; but if, on the contrary, it has been fore the House acknowledges that a parlavished upon the profligate, if it has been ticular sum of money is granted annually squandered upon a national parricide, to for the purposes of the Civil List, and stab the unhappy country, whose genero- does not even insinuate, that, while the sity poured it into the royal exchequer; crown confines itself within the stipulated if, while resulting from the virtues, it has sum, this House has the minutest prebeen employed to destroy the happiness tence for scrutinizing the disbursements. of the people, it is our duty to remark with How does the right hon. gentleman know, severity upon so scandalous a misapplica- Sir, that the revenue under consideration tion, and to prevent it, if possible, for the has been in the least exceeded? how does future. Therefore, Sir, as there can be he know that a shilling of it has been imno reason to fear our knowing how the properly applied? nay, how does he know Civil List has been made use of, if it has that there is not a considerable saving in been properly used, I move, "That an the expenditures of this year? his desire humble Address be presented to his Ma- of an enquiry, indeed, implies a suspicion, jesty, that he will be graciously pleased to but by no means demonstrates a fact; and give directions, that there be laid before the very argument which he urges in fathis House, an Account of all the Civil vour of his enquiry is infinitely stronger List Expences which were incurred, or be- on the side of the crown, than in support came due, between 5th of January 1769, of his own motion. and 5th of January 1770, according to the establishment and other appointments then in use."

If the expenditure has been improperly, it is doubly our business to discover it, because the honour of the crown is not only concerned, but what is of much more importance, the prosperity of the kingdom. Lord North:

Sir; it is exceedingly pleasant to find gentlemen, who have themselves benefited by the munificence of the crown, and who are themselves hourly pocketing the public money, making so strict an examination into the disbursements of the Civil List, and weeping so tenderly over the oppressions of their poor country. However, as I would at all times rather reason than rail, and as I am desirous of leaving the liberal field of invective wholly open to the enemies of administration, I shall proceed at once to the reasons which induce me to oppose the present question.

I readily grant, Sir, that whenever an application is made to this House for an extraordinary sum to wipe off occasional incumbrances on the Civil List, the House has a right to enquire how such incumbrances have been contracted, and it is but reasonable in a minister to declare in what manner the revenue appropriated to support the dignity of the crown has been exceeded, when he is desirous of having deficiencies supplied; but surely, till there is an application before us for supplying deficiencies, it is untimely, it is improper, it is unjust to enter into any examination of the royal expences. The right hon.

The right hon. gentleman tells you, Sir, that notwithstanding the liberal establishment given by the Civil List, the crown had run considerably in debt, as appeared by the application last year to make good the deficiencies, and that because we were last year called upon to give his Majesty an additional supply, there is sufficient reason to imagine that he stands at the present period in a proportional need of our assistance. For my ov own part, Sir, however popular it may be to arraign the principles, or doubt the independency of this House, I neither think the continual invectives which are thrown out against both, very consistent with politeness, or honesty. I think this House is at least entitled to the justice which is legally due to the meanest individual, and that we should at all events compliment it with the character of probity, till we have reason to doubt the propriety of this characteristic.

To reason, consequently, on this principle, I will not suppose that this House can be guilty of a perfidy to its constituents, or can wantonly lavish away those treasures to destroy, which are notoriously collected to promote, the happiness of the people. On the contrary, I will suppose that this House weighs, with great deliberation, the various dispositions of the public money, and never makes any grants which are not evidently proper, either for the interest, or the honour, of the nation. I am sure if we did not do this from choice, we have abundant cause to do it from necessity; for there is not a question of any importance ever carried

Debate in the Lords on the State of the Civil List.*] March 14. It was moved, "That an humble Address be presented to his Majesty, that he will be graciously pleased to give directions that there be laid before this House, an Account of all the Civil List Expences which were incurred, or became due, between the 5th of January 1769 and the 5th of January 1770, according to the establishment and other appointments then in use."

possible for you to know whether he liked you, or disliked you.

I have been told that I have a pension, and that I have recommended others to pensions. It is true; and here is a list of them: you will find there the names of general Amherst, sir Edward Hawke, and several others of the same nature; they were given as rewards for real services, and as encouragement to other gallant heroes. They were honorably earned in a different sort of campaigns than those at Westminster; they were gained by actions full of danger to themselves, of glory and benefit to this nation; not by corrupt votes of baseness and of destruction to their country.

You will find no secret services there; and you will find, that when the warrior was recompensed, the member of parliaThe Earl of Chatham spoke in support ment was left free. You will likewise find of the motion. He said, the Civil List is a pension of 1,500l. a year to lord Camappropriated, in the first instance, to the den. I recommended his lordship to be support of the civil government; and, in Chancellor; his public and private virtues the next, to the honour and dignity of the were acknowledged by all; they made his crown. In every other respect, the mi- station more precarious. I could not reanute and particular expences of the civil sonably expect from him, that he would list are as open to parliamentary examina- quit the Chief Justiceship of the Common tion and enquiry, in regard to the applica- Pleas, which he held for life, and put himcation and abuse, as any other grant of self in the power of those who were not the people, to any other purpose: and mi- to be trusted, to be dismissed from the nisters are equally or more culpable for Chancery, perhaps the day after his ap incurring any unprovided expence, and pointment. The public has not been defor running in arrear this service, as for ceived by his conduct. My suspicions any other. The preambles of the Civil have been justified. His integrity has List Acts prove this: and none but chil-made him once more a poor and a private dren, novices, or ignorants, will ever act man; he was dismissed for the vote he gave without proper regard to it: and, there- in this House in favour of the right of fore, I can never consent to increase frau-election in the people dulently the civil establishment, under pretence of making up deficiencies; nor will I ever bid so high for royal favour; and the minister who is bold enough to spend the people's money, before it is granted (even though it were not for the purpose of corrupting their representatives), and thereby leaving the people of England no other alternative, but either to disgrace their sovereign, by not paying his debts, or to become the prey of every unthrifty or corrupt minister, such minister deserves death. The late good old king had something of humanity, and amongst many other royal and manly vir tues, he possessed justice, truth, and sincerity, in an eminent degree; so that he had something about him, by which it was

Political Register-London MuseumGentleman's Magazine. [VOL. XVI.]

Here Lord Marchmont, who lately talked of foreign force, called lord Chatham to order. Some lords called "To the bar, to the bar!" Lord Marchmont moved, that the earl of Chatham's words should be taken down.

The Earl of Chatham seconded the mo

tion, and added, I neither deny, retract, nor explain the words. I do re-affirm the fact, and I desire to meet the sense of the House; I appeal to the honour of every lord in this House, whether he has not the same conviction.

Lord Rockingham, lord Temple, and many other lords, did upon their honour affirm the same.

Lord Sandwich and lord Weymouth would have withdrawn the motion; but

* See p. 666, of the present volume. [31]

lord Marchmont, encouraged by lord Mansfield, persisted, and moved, that nothing had appeared to justify such an assertion.

To this no answer was given.*

means of purchasing the liberties of the people. When I had the honour of being the confidential keeper of the King's intention, he assured me, That he never intended to exceed the allowance which was The Earl of Chatham. My words remain unretracted, unexplained, and re-lords, at a time when there are no marks made by parliament: and therefore, my affirmed. I desire to know whether I am of personal dissipation in our King, at a condemned or acquitted; and whether I time when there are no marks of any consimay still presume to hold up my head as derable sums having been expended to prohigh as the noble lord who moved to have cure the secrets of the cabinet-council of my words taken down. our enemies; that a request of an enquiry into the expenditure of the Civil List should be refused, is to me most extraordinary. Does the King of England want to build a palace equal to his rank and dignity? Does he want to encourage the polite and liberal, or useful arts? Does he mean to reward the hardy veteran, who has defended his quarrel in many a rough campaign, whose salary does not equal those of some of your insolent upper servants? Or does he mean by drawing the purse-strings of his subjects, to spread corruption through the people, to procure a parliament, like an infamous packed jury, ready to acquit his ministers at all adventures? I do not say, my lords, that corruption lies here, or that corruption lies there, but if any gentleman in England was to ask me, whether I thought both Houses of Parliament were bribed, I should laugh in his face, and say, "Sir, it is not so." Therefore, my lords, from all that has been said, İ think it must appear, that an enquiry into the Civil List is expedient, proper, and just; a refusal of it at this time will not add dignity to disgrace; but will only serve to convince the people, that we are governed by a set of abjects, who possess the peculiar talent of making even calamity ridiculous.

The Earl of Chatham. If I am to go off acquitted, I do now declare to you, that there are many men to impeach, and many measures to arraign for the security of this nation, and the very existence of our laws and constitution; and, by God's blessing, I will arraign and impeach them. -His lordship was reproached for having recommended the duke of Grafton, and that he had pushed the duke forward, and forced him on the King, as his first minister. To which he replied, That he had indeed recommended him for the Treasury; but he never could be supposed to have thought of that boy as the first minister of a great nation.' He proceeded to say, I advised his Majesty to take the duke of Grafton as first Lord of the Treasury, but there is such a thing as time as well as tide; and the conduct of the noble duke has convinced me, that I am as likely to be deceived as any other man, that I am as fallible as my betters. It was an expression of that great minister sir Robert Walpole, upon a debate on the army, that "Those who gave the power of blood, gave blood." I will beg leave to parodize the expression, and to say, Those that gave the means of corruption, gave corruption. I will trust no sovereign in the world with the

"In the course of the Debate, the earl of

The motion was negatived.

Debate in the Commons on a Motion to

repeal the American Tea-Duty_Bill.*] March 5. The House, according to order, proceeded to take into consideration the Petition of the merchants and traders of the city of London trading to North America.

Chatham in his speech having said, That the late Lord Chancellor was dismissed for giving his vote in this House:' which words the House taking exception to; and it being moved, That the said words might be read:' It was moved, To adjourn.' Which being objected to: after debate, the said motion for adjourning was, by leave of the House, withdrawn.- The Petition being read, lord North Then the words spoken by the earl of Chat-moved, That an Act made in the 7th of ham were read by the Clerk, and are as fol- his Majesty's reign, intituled, " An Act low: That the late Lord Chancellor was dis- for granting certain duties in the British missed for giving his vote in this House.' colonies and plantations in America; for Then it was moved, To resolve, that nothing allowing a drawback of the duties of cushas appeared to this House to justify that as sertion. Which being objected to: after de- toms, upon the exportation from this bate, the question was put thereupon: it was resolved in the affirmative." Lords' Journals.

* From the London Magazine.

kingdom, of coffee and cocoa nuts of the | American governors, promising to repeal produce of the said colonies and plan- upon commercial principles such parts of tations; for discontinuing the draw- the act as were disagreeable to the people; backs payable on china earthenware and in this measure I concurred from a exported to America, and for the hope that kindness would recall the colomore effectually preventing the clandes-nies to their former obedience, and prove tine running of goods in the said colonies and plantations," might be read. The same was read accordingly.

Lord North:

a happy means of removing contention without lessening the proper dignity of government. Indeed, I heartily wished to repeal the whole of the law, from this conciliating principle, if there had been a possibility of repealing it without giving up that just right which I shall ever wish the mother country to possess, the right of taxing the Americans. But I am sorry, heartily sorry to say, that the colonies, so far from deserving additional instances of tenderness, did not deserve the instance then shewn, for their resolutions became more violent than ever; their associations instead of supplicating proceeded to dictate, and grew at last to such a meridian of temerity, that administration could not, for its own credit, go as far as it might incline to gratify their expectations; and I am now perfectly satisfied that was the tax now under consideration to be this moment wholly abolished, it would neither

Sir; among the number of taxes which have given umbrage to the North Americans, the Act which lays a duty on paper, painters' colours, glass and tea, has given birth to such dangerous combinations beyond the Atlantic, and created so much dissatisfaction among the merchants trading from the mother country to the continental colonies, that I conceive it very proper for this House to give the matter a serious consideration; especially, Sir, as so many articles, the manufactures of Great Britain, are, by the Act. in question, subject to taxation, that it must astonish every reasonable man to think how so preposterous a law could originally obtain existence from a British legislature. I know, Sir, at the present period, how ex-excite their gratitude, nor re-establish tremely unacceptable to many gentlemen any intended favour to America will be; but such gentlemen, in the vehemence of their resentment against their fellow subjects beyond the Atlantic, must not forget the prosperity of this kingdom, and if any tax disagreeable to the Americans, should be found really injurious to ourselves, I hope they will not imitate the man in the fable, and consent to lose a single eye merely that their neighbours may be wholly deprived of sight.

With regard to the Act I have mentioned, Sir, as far as it relates to the duty upon tea, 1 do not see that the Americans have any mighty reason to find fault; because when that was laid another was taken off which obliged them to pay near a shilling in the pound upon an average, whereas the present only imposes three pence; therefore as America in this article feels an ease of nine-pence per pound, she cannot properly accuse us of oppression; more especially as every session has been productive of material advantages to her in bounties, free ports, or other considerable indulgences.

At the conclusion of the last session, I concurred in opinion with the rest of his Majesty's ministers relative to the expediency of writing circular letters to the

their tranquillity: they would set the abolition down, not to the goodness, but to the fears of the mother country, and upon a supposition that we were to be terrified into any concession, they would make fresh demands, and rise in their turbulence instead of returning to their duty. Fatal experience, Sir, has sufficiently proved the truth of this conjecture. We repealed the Stamp-act to comply with their desires, and what has been the consequence; has the repeal taught them obedience, has our lenity inspired them with moderation? No, Sir, that very lenity has encouraged them to insult our authority, to dispute our rights, and to aim at independent government. What is therefore to be done? Shall we, while they now deny our legal power to tax them, acquiesce in the argument of illegality, and give up that power? Shall we betray ourselves out of compliment to them, and through a wish of rendering more than justice to America, resign the controuling supremacy of England? God forbid! The properest time to exert our right of taxation, is, when the right is refused. The properest time for making resistance is when we are attacked. temporize is to yield, and the authority of the mother country now unsupported, is, in reality, relinquished for ever.

To