the inhabitants of that kingdom quietly endured the despotism of an English administration. No, Sir, their intrepidity is universally known, their perception is universally acknowledged; and while we behold them with pity, we cannot but consider them with admiration. To justify the truth of what I have now advanced, suffer me to remark, Sir, that if the Irish were not naturally attached to this country, they have had of late sufficient encouragement to oppose the inroads of British ministers upon their property, and to contend at least for a concurrence in the distribution of their money. They have seen the Americans, a people much younger, and much more obliged, do this with the greatest success; they have seen British acts of parliament instituted for the express purpose of raising a revenue in the colonies, not only disobeyed, but they under an act of Henry 7, called Poyning's Law, by which no bills are to pass in Ireland which have not been first certified from the privy-council there. The Bill was accordingly rejected; and in the vote for the rejection, the reason assigned was, its not having originated in the House of Commons. This objection did not impede the national supply; another Money Bill was passed in the usual form, in the most liberal manner, and with the greatest unanimity. "The cordiality and unanimity shewn upon this occasion, by which they trusted solely to the honour of government, and provided fully for all its necessities, before they proceeded to any part of the national business, greatly, as they said, enhanced the merit of the act. The rejected Bill provided only for the expenditure of three months, the present for the expences of two years, and the supply granted amounted to 2,168,6817. These two great points of government being obtained, in the augmentation of the army and the grant of the supplies, it was then thought the proper time to shew a resentment of the rejection of the Money Bill; an affront which had been (prudently, as was said by one side; meanly and fraudulently by the other) dissembled, until government was got on solid ground. "The Lord Lieutenant, in a speech which he made to both Houses, after the greatest acknowledgments for the liberality with which they had so effectually supported government, suddenly changed his style, and condemned, in the strongest terms, the rejection of the privy-council Money Bill in the House of Commons, which he represented to be intrenching upon the rights of the crown, and entered a formal protest in the House of Lords against that act of the House of Commons; and to preclude all debate upon the subject, or the possibility of passing resolutions against [VOL. XVI.] have seen our statesmen tremblingly soli. citous for a repeal of these acts, and be held them entering into the most dastardly concessions, to purchase a pardon from America. Yet though they have seen_alt this, they have neither denied our authority, nor opposed the execution of our or dinances; they have even without an act of parliament submitted to the annual payment of almost 100,000l. in pensions, and the moment government condescended to apply for any new grants, they have considered upon the properest mode of compliance, and manifested a pleasure in assisting even the notorious prodigality of government. Having constantly acted in this affec tionate manner to Great Britain, it might be naturally expected, that their generosity would have shamed our ministers into some little degree of kindness and consi deration. But kindness and consideration this measure, as sudden; prorogued the parliament to a long day. "Some notice of this design having been received before it was put in execution, a motion had been made in the House of Lords a few days before, that directions should be given to the Speaker not to suffer any protest of any persons whatsoever to be entered in the Journals, who was not a lord of parliament, and a member of that House, and which was not relative to some business that had been previously before the House, and wherein the protesting lord had taken part with the minority, either in person or by proxy. This question being over-ruled by a great majority, a strong protest was entered by the minority, which attempted to shew that the only two cases in point, which were those of the earl of Strafford and lord Sidney, were either transacted in such times, or attended with such circumstances, as totally voided their being drawn into precedent, and that every such act was contrary to the rights and derogatory to the dignity of the Peers. The House of Commons, before their breaking up, forbid the Lord Lieutenant's speech from being entered on their Journals. "In this manner were the sanguine hopes blasted which had been formed upon the first meeting of the first limited parliament. No business had passed but a compliance with the requisitions of government; all the national business was undone; the temporary laws which are renewed or altered at every sessions, whether relative to agriculture, to trade, to the supplying of the capital with provisions, to the preservation of the public security, or the support of the public charities, were all expired. The consternation, distress, and discontent that followed, were great, and the whole kingdom was in a state of universal confusion and disorder." Annual Register. [3 P] this generous principle, it now becomes our duty to perform; the state of that nation is deplorable beyond belief, and since the unexampled prorogation of its parlia ment, which contributed so liberally to the necessities of government, several temporary laws have expired; particularly the act for assigning judgments, by which only, the Roman Catholics could obtain landed security for their money: the tax upon hawkers and pedlars, which was devoted to the maintenance of the incorporated society for building Protestant charter-schools, has also ceased; and a sum of near 3,000l. allowed for public works of immediate utility, in consequence of the prorogation, remains unappropriated in the treasury. Besides these, Sir, many salutary acts relative to the late insurrec tions, and the tillage of the kingdom have expired, so that without the speedy intervention of this House, there is no saying where the distresses of our Irish fellow subjects may end. I therefore move, do not seem the characteristics of our present ministers. For, Sir, though they lately received a large supply from the Irish parliament for the purposes of a military augmentation in that kingdom though they requested this supply in a time of profound peace, and thought it perfectly constitutional to receive it from the representatives of the people; the money was ro sooner received, than they denied the right of the Commons to grant it, and insisted that power of originating Money Bills belonged entirely to the privy council. However, Sir, to argue with them on their own principles, the government surely had not a right to take the money from parliament, if parliament had not a right to give it; and they should either refuse the supply, or acquiesce in the legality of the grant. The more we consider the conduct of administration in this respect, the more we shall find it perplexed, inconsistent, and tyrannical. The lord lieutenant having obtained the money, returns thanks to the two Houses for their" That an humble Address be presented liberality, and after he has politely complimented their munificence, he enters a protest upon the Journals of the Lords, and sensibly informs the whole world that they were not authorized to exert it. What is this, Sir, but adding insult to oppression, but laughing at the idea of all order, and smiling while they stab the essence of all liberty to the heart? The Hon. Constantine Phipps seconded the motion. Mr. George Grenville: to his Majesty, that he will be graciously pleased to give directions, that there be laid before this House, a copy of all Instructions given to the Lord Lieutenant of the kingdom of Ireland, relative to the late sudden prorogation of the Irish parlia ment, at a time when affairs of the greatest national importance to that kingdom were depending in the said parliament; toge Sir, the consequences of this proceed-ther with the Papers on which the said Ining were such as might be expected; a structions were founded, and his Answers generous, a spirited people could not bear thereto." to be reproached with their very virtues, they therefore prepared to make a vigorous effort in defence of their constitutional rights, but the chief governor took speedy care to prevent the possibility of parlia Sir; I am so perfectly satisfied mentary expostulation, by proroguing with the expediency of the motion at pre both Houses to a distant day, and brand- sent before the Chair, that I shall even exing them with a public stigma for comply-ceed it, by moving likewise for "A Copy ing with the wishes of government. In- of a Message of the 16th of November deed, a compliance with the wishes of last, from the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland such a government might in the eyes of reasonable men seem to merit some mark of the grossest obloquy. The Irish, however, are more sinned against than sinning; the concessions they made to administration were in fact so many proofs of their regard for this kingdom, and they would have long since shewn a just resentment against the ministry, had they not been apprehensive that such a measure might be conceived a diminution in their attachment to the people of England. What the Irish have declined doing from to the House of Commons of that kingdom, relative to the Augmentation of the Forces there." The affairs of that kingdom are not only in the utmost disorder, but the laws of Great Britain have, in my opinion, been violated to deceive our fellow-subjects of the neighbouring nation out of their property. I will not now, Sir, dwell upon the absurdity of a system, which, in times of profound peace, can think of encreasing military expences, nor will I dwell upon the patriotism of ministers, who are studious to encrease the remember in some measure the nature of its laws; but it is still more surprising, that the very measures which are taken for maintaining the authority of this kingdom, are pointed out as a degradation of its honour, and a sacrifice of the royal prerogative. number of our forces at a period in which every dispassionate mind must see the propriety of a reduction. What I shall chiefly adhere to, Sir, is the manner, in which the augmentation was gained from the Irish parliament; the inducement which led the people of that kingdom to comply with this preposterous requisition of government; and if in the course of the little I may offer, any thing should appear to furnish a just ground for believing that the dignity of this nation has been sacrificed to plunder the inhabitants of Ireland, I hope our love of justice, as well as the regard which we should ever entertain for our own honour, will lead us into some spirited enquiries, and make a proper example of the sacrificer however dignified by office, and supported by connection. Sir, though I shall never contend for giving Great Britain a wanton, an arbitrary power over any part of her dominions, and though I shall always contend for an English subject's possessing the privileges of an Englishman, in whatever part of our empire he may happen to be placed; still I must argue for the propriety, the necessity of placing a controul ing power in some place; the vast body of the British territories must have a head; and surely such a superiority for the common good of all, cannot be more If, Sir, the message as printed in all the safely allowed than in our hands. We are public papers, and said to be the Lord the most immediately affected by any geLieutenant's message to the Irish parlia- neral misfortune, and consequently must ment, is not a scandalous forgery, and if be most solicitous for the general happithe promise asserted to be the King's pro- ness; in point of antiquity, numbers, and mise to that parliament also, be not a opulence, we have a just title to pre-emidaring imposition, both the message and nence, and as the parent state, it is more the promise are repugnant to the spirit of natural for the various dependencies which two English laws, the Act of the last ses- we have protected for so long a series of sion having repealed the 10th of king Wil-years, to obey our laws than to think of liam, and the 13th of Charles 2, particu- dictating to their protectors. larly vesting the disposition of all the land On this account, Sir, I am bold enough to and sea-forces in the crown. Now, Sir, if stand forth an advocate for the prorogation a promise has been given to the people of of the Irish parliament. I am bold enough Ireland, that 12,000 men shall be con- to say, that the prorogation was unavoidstantly stationed among them, I appre- able, and that the minister would highly hend that the prerogative of the crown is merit an impeachment, if he had not urged given up; I apprehend that the obvious the expediency of such a measure. Gentle meaning of the two laws I have alluded to men may declaim in general terms very is defeated, and that the disposal of the pompously, and draw pathetic pictures of 12,000 troops is not virtually in the sove- national calamities. They are supported reign, but actually in the Irish parliament. by the temper of the times, and people This, Sir, is to me a matter of much im- without doors consider every man as a paportance; I would not have the royal pre-triot, who tells them they are on the brink rogative diminished for the purpose of artifice; nor would I have an English act of parliament defeated in its design, for the shameful end of deluding the Irish fellow-subject into a supply. For these reasons I move, that the papers relative to the Augmentation Bill may also be laid before us; and I trust the hon. gentleman, who made the last motion, will rather think I assist, than counteract his benevolent intention. Lord North: Sir; it is not a little surprising, when gentlemen are so anxious about the welfare of their country, that they will not of destruction. However, Sir, give me leave to say, that what may be mighty fine in oratory, may be utterly false in fact; and give me also leave to say, that a single truth in a parliamentary debate, is a matter of more real importance, than the thunders of a Demosthenes, or the mellifluence of a Cicero. The distresses of the Irish nation, Sir, have been painted in most melancholy colours, by the hon. gentleman who made the first motion, and they would really deserve our serious consideration, if it were not for one unfortunate circumstance, which is, that his picture is totally a child of the imagination. To prove this, let u only enquire into the present state of Ireland: is its trade upon the decline, is the landed property decreasing in its value, or are the people becoming poor? Alas, Sir, nothing like it. The trade of our sister nation never flourished so much; the value of landed property is hourly increasing; and so far are the people from being impoverished, that, if we except some places very remote from the metropolis, where laziness is attended with its never-failing companion, wretchedness, all is a continual scene of abundance and festivity. So much for the poverty of Ireland. With regard to the augmentation of our forces in times of profound peace, it surprises me exceedingly that the gentlemen in opposition to government never maintain any consistency of conduct. The principal argument which they have used, during the present session, has been the alarming situation of the kingdom. They have told us that we were distracted at home, defied in our colonies, and that some of our formidable neighbours were actually meditating a blow that must instantly give birth to a new war. This has been the chief purport of their language, I repeat, through the present session, and one of their most distinguished leaders has pledged himself to the public, to the reality of hostile intentions in the court of Madrid. Yet, Sir, when their own accounts of domestic strife and foreign invasion have induced government to augment the national strength-the gloom is instantly dispelled; the whole horizon becomes unexpectedly serene, and the ministry are abused for incurring fresh military expences in an hour of the profoundest tranquillity. The right hon. gentleman who spoke last, and who expressed so patriotic an apprehension, that the laws of this kingdom were violated in the promise given to the Irish parliament, that 12,000 men should be constantly stationed in that kingdom, is so usually accurate, that I wonder he could, upon the question before us, run into absolute contradiction. He says, that by the laws of England, the sole disposition of the land and sea forces belongs to the crown, therefore, the promise of continuing 12,000 men constantly in Ireland, is giving up the royal prerogative. That is in plain English, the exercise of the royal prerogative, is to relinquish the royal prerogative; and the disposal of troops at the discretion of the crown, is to wrest the disposition from its hands! To be serious, Sir, the crown has the right of disposing the land and sea force as it pleases; the crown therefore stations 12,000 men constantly in Ireland, agreeably to this right; and the actual execution of the English laws, is now said to ba repugnant to two English acts of parliament. Having thus answered the arguments of distress, of inexpediency, and illegality, urged against the augmentation, I now come to the main question which our patriots ask of government, “ Why would you prorogue the Irish parliament, which had so liberally administered to your necessities?" That the Irish parliament is a truly illustrious assembly I am proud to declare, and that the Irish nation merits highly the good opinion of their sovereign, I am as ready to acknowledge; but the reason of the parliamentary prorogation, was the solicitude of the very ministers now reviled, to preserve the dependance of Ireland upon this kingdom. The Irish House of Commons entered into resolutions contrary to Poyning's law, into resolutions which consequently shook the foundation of our authority over Ireland, and therefore the parliament was prorogued: as to the manner of the prorogation, it was warranted no less by precedent, than justified by reason, and I affirm, that any loss resulting to the incorporated society from the measure, shall be made good from the privy purse. Sir, I have now answered all the arguments in favour of the present motion, and shall only add, that those gentlemen who feel so much for Ireland, would do well to feel a little for England also; and as it would be criminal to violate the laws of this country, to seize the property of that, I hope the opposition will not look upon the enforcement of an established act to be unjust, which consults their mutual preservation. Sir William Meredith: I shall beg leave, Sir, to revert to the original proposition of my hon. friend, the consideration of the prorogation of the Irish parliament; and, in order thereto, a summary view of Poyning's law, and those statutes which are derived from it, deserve your attention. The historians of those times inform us, that the 10th of Henry 7 was designed as a curb to the power, not of parliament, but of the chief governors; the act itself declaring, that the bills to be passed in This parliament should be certified over, under of this measure; he says, that this council the great seal of Ireland, previous to its money-bill was a fine which they paid for commencement. The great inconvenience the renewal of parliament, and pointed to of this regulation induced them to enable a leading man of great abilities in that the council, by the 4th and 5th of Philip country; telling the House at the same and Mary, to transmit bills, over-setting time, that he had lost his place of chanthe parliament; but, Sir, it is observable, cellor of the exchequer for impeding the that no mention is made of Money Bills in progress of a similar Bill at the comany of those statutes, and this Act was mencement of his present Majesty's reign, twice suspended in the times of Henry 8, recommending it to others to avoid a like and queen Elizabeth, to clear up some fate. Sir, I do contend that the proceeddoubts, I conceive, which had arisen, rela-ings of administration in Ireland have been tive to the sole right of the Commons to most arbitrary and oppressive. originate Money Bills. Now, Sir, I totally House has a coercive power over ministers differ from the noble lord, that this Reso- in every part of the British empire; and I lution of the Commons was contrary to hope that the afflicted country of Ireland Poyning's law, or that the precedent of will obtain from the legislature here, that 1692 is in point. It is contended that the reparation which her own parliament can council have by law a right of originating no longer give her; and that your policy Money Bills; the practice, it is acknow- and interest will induce you to do that ledged, has been for all grants to proceed which justice loudly demands from you. from the Commons, and the first grant of tonnage and poundage, the 17th of Henry 7, in Ireland, is declared in the preamble to proceed from the Commons. Admitting that they have a concurrent right, the late Resolution of the Commons of Ireland, viz. "That this Bill be rejected because it did not take its rise in this House," means no more than this-two modes of originating Money Bills being proposed, we conceive that of the House of Commons to be the superior, and therefore reject this Bill (which it is acknowledged they had an indisputable right to do) because it originated in the council, and not in this House, which we conceive to be the better mode of the two. I do say that the Commons had a right to give this for their reason; and that it did not impugn in the least the validity of the statute in question. Had the House of Commons assigned the Resolution in 1692, viz. that this Bill be rejected because it is the exclusive right of the Commons to originate Money Bills, which, I am informed by some leading men in that country, was at first proposed, but afterwards moderated to the present form; this would have impugned the claim of the council; but at present neither protest nor prorogation is founded upon the precedent of lord Sydney in 1692. Then the main question as amended, being put, "That an humble Address be presented to his Majesty, that he will be graciously pleased to give directions, that there be laid before this House, a copy of all Instructions given to the Lord Lieutenant of the kingdom of Ireland, relative to the late sudden prorogation of the Irish parliament, at a time when affairs of the greatest national importance to that kingdom were depending in the said parlia ment; together with the papers on which the said instructions were founded, and his answers thereto; and likewise a copy of a Message of the 16th of November last, from the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland to the House of Commons of that kingdom, relative to the Augmentation of the Forcés, there;" The House divided. The Yeas went forth. I shall not, at present, comment upon the violation of the privileges of both Houses of Parliament by lord Townshend's protest, but content myself with observing, that in a speech of sir G. Macartney's, printed, as it appears to me, in justification Museum. * From the London Magazine, and London |