affection. Moreover, the very affectionate and complimentary tone of your letter had such an effect upon me that I felt as though I were not doing you a favour, but receiving one from you, when you qualified your request by an assurance that you would not restore a personal enemy of mine, who was a friend of your own, if I did not wish it, though you could have done so without any trouble. Of course, my dear Antony, I give you my free consent, besides acknowledging that by expressing yourself as you have done you have treated me with the utmost liberality and courtesy. And while I should have thought it my duty to have granted what you ask without reserve, whatever the circumstances, I now grant it as a concession to my own feelings and inclination. For I never had a spark, I won't say of bitterness, in me, but even of sternness or severity beyond what the service of the state required. I may add that even against Clodius himself my exasperation has never been extravagant, and I have always held that the friends of my enemies were not proper objects for attack, especially those in a lower position of life. Nor ought we ourselves to be deprived of such supporters.

As for the boy Clodius, I think it is your duty to imbue what you call "his young and impressionable" mind with the conviction that no vindictive feelings remain between our families. I fought P. Clodius, since I was supporting the interests of the state, he his own. Upon the merits of our controversies the state has decided. If he were now alive, I should have had no cause of contention with him remaining. Wherefore, since you put this request to me with the reservation that you will not avail yourself of what is undoubtedly within your power against my wishes, please grant this to the boy also as a present from me, if you think it right. Not because a man of my age need suspect any danger from a boy of his, nor because a man in my position has reason to shrink from any controversy,' but that we may be still more closely united than we have as yet been : for owing to the intervention of these feuds your heart has been more open to me than your house. But enough

1 An answer to Antony's veiled threat at the end of his letter as to "a quiet old age" (p. 23).

of this. I will only add, that I shall always zealously do without hesitation whatever I think to be your wish and to your advantage.'

DCCXV (A XIV, 13)

TO ATTICUS (AT ROME)

PUTEOLI, 26 APRIL

YOUR letter of the 19th did not reach me till the seventh day. In it you ask me (and even seem to think I can't answer) which of the two I like best-hills and a fine view or a walk along a flat coast. Well, it is quite true that, as you say, the charm of both spots is so great, that I can't make up my mind which is to be preferred.

"But 'tis no time to think of dainty fare,

When heaven upon us rolls this cloud of woe:
We look and shudder-is it life or death?" 2

For though you have sent me important and welcome news about Decimus Brutus having joined his legions,3 in which I see the promise of very great things. Nevertheless, if there is to be a civil war, as there is sure to be, if Sextus Pompeius is going to remain in arms-as I know for certain he will-what I am to do I am at loss to conceive. For it will not be allowable now, as it was in Cæsar's war, to go neither to the one nor to the other. For anyone that this party shall believe to have rejoiced at Cæsar's deathand we all of us shewed our joy in the most open way-they will consider in the light of a public enemy: and that means a formidable massacre. The only resource is to go

1 Antony quoted this letter in his speech in the Senate in answer to the first Philippic (September 19th). See 2 Phil. §§ 7-10.

Homer, Il. ix. 228. It is no time-Cicero means to be thinking about picturesque scenery in the midst of these troubles.

3 Decimus Brutus had been named to the government of Gallia Cisalpina by Cæsar, and had gone there in spite of Antony's opposition, see p. 2. He had three legions there (App. B. C. iii. 6).

to the camp of Sextus Pompeius or perhaps to that of Brutus. It is a tiresome step and quite unsuitable to our time of life, considering the uncertainty of war, and somehow or another I can say to you and you to me:

"My son, the deeds of war are not for you:

Seek rather thou the witching works of "-speech.1

But I will leave all this to chance, which in such matters is more powerful than design. For ourselves let us only take care a thing which is within our power-that we bear whatever happens with courage and philosophy, remember that we are but mortal, and allow literature to console us much, but the Ides of March most of all.

Now join me in the deliberation which is distracting my mind, owing to the many conflicting arguments which occur to me on either side. Shall I start for Greece, as I had determined, with a libera legatio? Thereby I seem to avoid a considerable risk of impending massacre, but to be likely to expose myself to some reproach for having deserted the state at such a grave crisis. If on the other hand I remain, I perceive that I shall be in danger indeed, but I suspect that an opportunity may occur of my being able to benefit the republic. There is also a consideration of a private nature, namely, that I think it of great importance for confirming my son in his good resolutions that I should go to Athens, and I had no other motive for my journey at the time when I contemplated accepting a libera legatio from Cæsar. Therefore pray take under your consideration the whole question, as you always do in anything which you think touches my interests.

Now I return to your letter. You say that there are rumours that I am about to sell my property on the Lake;' while I am going to convey my bijou villa-and that at a fancy price-to my brother Quintus, for him to bring home, as young Quintus has told you, the rich heiress Aquilia. The real truth is that I have no thoughts of selling unless I find something that pleases me better; while Quintus has no idea of purchasing at this time. He is quite bothered

2

1 Homer, 77. v. 428. Cicero has substituted Xóyolo, "of speech," for γάμοιο, "of wedlock," at the end of the second line.

2 The Lucrine lake.

enough by his obligation to repay the dowry. To marriage, moreover, he has such a distaste that he assures me that nothing can be pleasanter than a bed to oneself.' But enough of that. I return to the downcast or rather to the non-existent republic. Marcus Antonius has written to me about the recall of Sextus Clodius-in what a complimentary manner, as far as I am concerned, you may see from his letter, for I am sending you a copy.

But you will at the same time have no difficulty in recognizing the unprincipled and improper nature of his proposal,—so_mischievous in fact that it sometimes makes one wish Cæsar back again. For measures which Cæsar would never have taken or sanctioned are now produced from his forged minutes. However, I made no difficulty about it to Antony: for of course, having once made up his mind that he may do what he chooses, he would have done it all the same if I had refused. So I inclose a copy of my letter also.

DCCXVI (A XIV, 14)

TO ATTICUS (AT ROME)

PUTEOLI, 27 APRIL

"OH tell me o'er your tale again." Our nephew Quintus at the Parilia wearing a garland? Was he alone? You certainly mention Lamia also, which does utterly astonish me, but I am eager to know who the others were: although I am quite sure that there was no one that wasn't a traitor. Please therefore make this clearer. For myself, it chanced that I had just despatched a fairly long letter to you on the 26th, when about three hours later I received yours, which was also very bulky. So I needn't write to tell you that I

1 Quintus Cicero had recently divorced Pomponia.

2 This quotation, expressing horrified incredulity, is from the Iliona of Pacuvius (Ribbeck, 202). Cicero twice elsewhere employs it, Acad. brior. ii. § 88; Tusc. ii. § 44.

3 See DCCXXII. The Parilia were on the 21st of April.

had a hearty laugh over your witty and amusing remarks about Vestorius's "sect" and the Puteolian custom of the Pheriones.1

Now about things more "political." You defend the two Brutuses and Cassius as though I were finding fault with them whereas the fact is I cannot praise them enough. It was the weak points in the situation, not in the individuals, that I reviewed. For though the tyrant has been removed, I see that the tyranny remains. For instance, things which Cæsar never intended to do are being done: as in the case of Clodius-in regard to which I have full assurance not only that Cæsar was not likely to have done it himself, but that he would have actually forbidden it. The next will be Vestorius's old foe Rufio, Victor whose name was never in Cæsar's minutes, and so on with the rest-who shall we not see restored? We could not endure being his slaves; we are the humble servants of his memorandum books.

2

3

As to the senate of the 17th of March 3—who was strong enough to refuse to attend? Suppose that could somehow have been done: when I did attend, could I possibly speak with freedom? Wasn't it on every ground necessary, seeing that I had nothing to protect me, to speak up for the veterans who were there with arms in their hands? You can bear me witness that I never approved of that lingering on the Capitol. Well, was that the fault of the Brutuses? Not at all, but of those other dull brutes, who think themselves cautious and wise, who thought it enough in some cases to rejoice, in others to congratulate, in none to persevere. But let us leave the past: let us bestow all our care and power of protection on our heroes, and, as you

1 Cicero (p. 22) had jocosely referred to the banker Vestorius as "no philosopher but good at accounts," and Atticus. seems to have replied by a punning reference to the alpeois, "sect," with perhaps an allusion to the meaning "taking," as the characteristic of a banker. We can never explain the joke as to the local habits of the " Pheriones," because we don't know who they were or what Atticus said about them. May it be a similar pun on pépev, "to carry off". convey the wise it call"? Puteoli was the mart of the corn trade from Egypt, and its merchants and bankers may have had a name for sharp practice.

2 Apparently C. Sempronius Rufus, who had a controversy with Vestorius (vol. ii., p. 6).

3 See p. 17.