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INTERVIEW BETWEEN JACKSON, PRICE AND LYON.. 165

der for their safe transit to and from St. | could put forth a formidaLouis, viz.:

"HEAD-QUARTERS DEPARTMENT OF THE WEST, ST. LOUIS, Mo., June 6, 1861.

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“It having been suggested that Governor Claiborne F. Jackson and ex-Governor Sterling Price

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are desirous of an interview with General Lyon, commanding this Department, for the purpose of effecting, if possible, a pacific solution of the domestic troubles of Missouri, it is hereby stipulated on the part of Brigadier-General N. Lyon, U. S. A., commanding this military Department, that, should Governor Jackson and ex-Governor Sterling Price, or either of them, at any time prior to, or on the 12th day of June, 1861, visit St. Louis for the purpose of such interview, they and each of them shall be free from molestation or arrest on account of any charge pending against them, or either of them, on the part of the United States, during their journey to St.

Louis, their stay at St. Louis, and their return from

St. Louis to Jefferson City.

“Given under the hand of the General commanding, the day and year above written.

Interview between
Jackson, Price and

Lyon.

N. LYON, Brigadier-General Commanding." The State officials arrived in St. Louis, by special train, June 11th, when the interview took place General Lyon and Colonel Blair, accompanied by Major Conant, calling at the hotel. The substance of its proceedings may be thus stated: Price, speaking for the Governor, demanded that no armed bodies of United States troops should pass through, or be stationed in, the State assuming that Governor Jackson would then disband his own troops and give protection to all classes of men alike. The ex-Governor denied that he had ever entertained any other idea of State Rights, and asserted that his agreement with Harney was explicit on these points. When asked about the Harney memorandum he denied any knowledge of it. The document itself was produced. subscribed:

It was

Interview between Jackson, Price and Lyon.

ble opposition to the General Government, and even without arming, combinations would doubtless form in certain localities, to oppress and drive out loyal citizens, to whom the Government was bound to give protection, but which it would be helpless to do, as also to repress such combinations, if its forces could not be sent into the State. A large aggressive force might be formed and advanced from the exterior into the State, to assist in carrying out the secession programme, and the Government could not, under the limitation proposed, take posts on these borders to meet and repel such force. The Government could not shrink from its duties nor abdicate its corresponding rights; and, in addition to the above, it was the duty of its civil officers to execute civil process; and, in case of resistance, to receive the support of military force. The proposition of the Governor would at once overturn the Government privileges and prerogatives which he (General Lyon) had neither the wish nor authority to do. In his opinion, if the Governor and the State authorities would earnestly set about to maintain the peace of the State, and declare their purposes to resist outrages upon loyal citizens of the Government, and repress insurrections against it, and in case of violent combinations needing co-operation of the United States troops, they should call upon or accept such assistance, and in case of threatened invasion, the Government troops took suitable posts to meet it, the purposes of the Government would be subserved, and no infringement of State rights or dignity committed. He would take good care in such faithful co-operation of the State authorities to this end, that no individual should be injured in person or property, and that the utmost delicacy should be

“N. B. Read to General Price, in the presence of observed toward all peaceable persons conMajor Turner, on the evening of May 21st.”

cerned in these relations.

These were the views of a clear head and a loyal heart; upon them the General might rest his case with any court than one radical

The official was disconcerted, but insisted upon his points as the only basis for a peace. Lyon, of course, repudiated the demands as alike preposterous and treasonable. He as-ly disloyal. sumed that, if the Government withdrew its forces entirely, secret and subtle measures would be resorted to to provide arms and effect organizations which, upon any pretext,

The two State functionaries wanted to debate the question, but Lyon cut off debate by urging that he could not and would not accept any other view. (bent upon obtaining time) asked to open a

Price

Jackson's Final
Defection.

the one or submit to the other. Rise, then, and drive

secrate the soil which your labors have made fruitful, and which is consecrated by your homes.

"CLAIBORNE F. JACKSON."

The Call to Arms.

correspondence-a request | stitutional requirements of the Federal Government. General Lyon politely but But it is equally my duty to advise you that your first decidedly declined. The allegiance is due to your own State, and that you are interview ended. The Governors returned under no obligation whatever to obey the unconstiby their special train that evening, and before tutional edicts of the military despotism which has the morning of the 12th, the Gasconade rail- introduced itself at Washington, nor submit to the infamous and degrading sway of its wicked minions way bridge was burned, as well as the westin this State. No brave-hearted Missourian will obey ern span of the bridge over the Osage river. The telegraph wires were cut. The Govern-out ignominiously the invaders who have dared to deor's son acted as director of the destruction. A proclamation was immediately prepared by the Governor, of an openly revolutionary and treasonable character. He denounced the acts of the Federal troops as a series of unprovoked and unparalleled outrages," and called out fifty thousand of the State militia, "for the purpose of repelling invasion." He gave his own version of his interview with General Lyon, and declared that he "humiliated” himself by promising to maintain a strict neutrality and to refrain from making military preparations, because he was anxious to avert the horrors of civil war; but, that the Federal commander having refused to disarm the Home Guard, and having claimed the right of military occupation, the Governor declared that "all efforts towards conciliation have failed," and proceeded to call out the militia. The proclamation concluded:

“In issuing this proclamation I hold it to be my most solemn duty to remind you that Missouri is still one of the United States; that the Executive Department of the State Government does not arrogate to itself the power to disturb that relation; that power has been wisely vested in the Convention, which will at the proper time express your sovereign will; and that meanwhile it is your duty to obey all con

Thus was the mask dropped, and the deluded agent of despotism stood forth in his true character. He fled from Jefferson City with such of the State Guard as were available, taking steamer for Booneville, to which point he directed troops to rally, and whither all obtainable arms, munitions and stores were rapidly borne. Ex-Governor Price dispatched his "Minute Men" to all sections of the State to arouse the people and concentrate forces. The most outrageous falsehoods were dissemminated of Federal designs; no means were left unemployed which would "fire" the people, and inspire hate of the General Government. It was the old story over again of baseness and deception towards his own people: they gathered to fight an enemy whom they had been informed and made to believe, were "Dutch hirelings" come for subjugation and spoils.

Thus, the door to peace was closed; and Missouri, through the treason of her Governor, entered upon the untried reality of testing the power of the Central Government.

CHAPTER XILI

THE CRISIS IN KENTUCKY UP TO JULY FIRST.

The Governor's

Proclamation.

GOVERNOR Magoffin of Kentucky, after his unnecessarily offensive reply to

the requisition of the Federal Government, hastened to take such steps as must, eventually, place the State in a position of offense and defense. The Legislature was convened, by proclamation on the 18th of April, to meet April 28th. After adverting to the attitude of the Northern States, the proclamation declared: "Whatever else should be done it is, in my judgment, the duty of Kentucky, without delay, to place herself in a complete pósition for defense. The causes for apprehension are now certainly grave enough to impel every Kentuckian to demand that this be done, and to require of the Legislature of the State such additional action as may be necessary for the general welfare."

Great Union Demonstration.

On the evening of the 18th, an immense Union meeting was held in Louis

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"Events of commanding importance to the future safety and honor of Kentucky have occurred which call for action on the part of her citizens; and every consideration of self-interest, and every dictate of wisdom and patriotism must prompt our State to maintain most resolutely her position of loyalty. Situated on the border of the Slave States, with seven hundred miles of territory exposed to hostile attack, should the Union be divided into two separate sovereignties, and with but one million of population to oppose the four or five millions of the States contiguous to her, which might become unfriendly, Kentucky owes it to herself to exercise a wise precaution before she precipitates any course of action which may involve her in an internecine war. She has no reason to distrust the present kindly feelings of the people who reside on the north bank of the Ohio river, long her friendly neighbors, and connected by a thousand ties of consanguinity, but she must realize the fact that if Kentucky separates from the Federal Union, and assumes her sovereign powers as an independent State, that Ohio, Indiana and Illi

ville, at which addresses were delivered by nois, remaining loyal to the Federal Union, must Hon. James Guthrie, Hon. Archie Dixon, Hon. become her political antagonists. If Kentucky deJohn Young Brown, Judge Nicholas and serts the Stars and Stripes, and those States adhere Judge Bullock-all eminent and influential to the flag of the Union, it seems impossible to imamen, whose speeches, spread on the wings of gine a continuance of our old friendly relations when the omnipotent press, carried strength and constantly recurring causes of irritation could not hope all over the State, to the "conservative" be avoided. It is from no fear that Kentucky would element. The following important resolves not always prove herself equal to the exigencies of were passed with scarcely a dissenting voice. any new position she might see proper to assume, We give them for their intrinsic interest, and and from no distrust of the bravery of her sons, that also for the reason that they embody the senthese suggestions are made; but as 'when in the course of human events it becomes necessary for timents of that school of politicians whose conservatism" led them to withhold an acone people to dissolve the political bands which have connected them with another, a decent respect tive and open support of the Federal Governto the opinions of mankind requires that they should ment in its struggle with treason. If they declare the causes which impel them to the separadid not directly sustain the Government, they❘tion,' so an equal necessity exists that we should held secessionism up to abhorrence, and thus not dissolve those bands with our friends and neighpaved the way for the permanent develop- bors without calling to our aid every suggestion of

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Kentucky Resolutions.

prudence,and exhausting every effort to reconcile difficulties before taking steps which cannot be retraced, and may lead to exasperation, collisions and eventual war; therefore, be it

"Resolved-First. That as the Confederate States have, by overt acts, commenced war against the United States, without consultation with Kentucky and their sister Southern States, Kentucky reserves to herself the right to choose her own position, and

that while her natural sympathies are with those who have a common interest in the protection of

Slavery, she still acknowledges her loyalty and fealty to the Government of the United States, which she will cheerfully render until that Government be

comes aggressive, tyrannical and regardless of our rights in slave property.

"Second. That the National Government should be tried by its acts, and that the several States, as its peers in their appropriate spheres, will hold it to a rigid accountability, and require that its acts should be fraternal in their efforts to bring back the seceding States, and not sanguinary or coercive.

"Third. That, as we oppose the call of the Presi dent for volunteers for the purpose of coercing the seceding States, so we oppose the raising of troops in this State to co-operate with the Southern Confederacy, when the acknowledged intention of the latter is to march upon the City of Washington and capture the Capital, and when, in its march thither, it must pass through States which have not yet renounced their allegiance to the Union.

“Fourth. That Secession is a remedy for no evils, real or imaginary, but an aggravation and complication of existing difficulties.

“Fifth. That the memories of the past, the inte

rests of the present, and the solemn convictions of

future duty, and usefulness in the hope of mediation, prevent Kentucky from taking part with the seceding

"Ninth. That the Union and the Constitution, being mainly the work of Southern soldiers and statesmen, in our opinion, furnishes a surer guaranty for 'Southern Rights' than can be found under any other system of Government yet devised by man.'

Great Union Demonstration.

The speeches made upon the occasion were more patriotic than the resolutions. While they urged the "neutrality" of Kentucky they were unsparing in their denunci

ations of the enemies of the General Govern

ment. It was not difficult to see that, when the best interests of the State demanded, Kentucky would be ready to battle as nobly for the Union as Henry Clay would have her do were he still living.

The municipal authorities of Louisville visited-April 24th-25th-the cities of Cincinnati, Madison, &c., to reassure the people of those cities of the amicable disposition of Kentucky, and to obtain from the municipal authorities and citizens pledges of their co-operation to keep up amicable and commercial relations. They returned, April 26th, to report the most hearty assurances of kind feeling over the border."

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Interviews with
Colonel Prentiss.

The formation of the camp at Cairo was a source of annoyance to the revolutionists. Paducah and Columbus, in Western Kentucky, had, by May 1st, become strongly infested with Secessionists; and it was not long before Kentucky became aware that portions of her soil really were in possession of emissaries of the Confederacy. Colonel Prentiss, in command of the Federal Colonel Prentiss, in command of the Federal forces at Cairo, had what was considered reliable information of the landing at Columbus, Kentucky-only twenty miles below Cairo-of seventeen thousand stand of arms, and of seven pieces of artillery at Paducah, on the 30th of April. Major-General Buckner of the Kentucky State Militia, in company with State Senator Johnson, had an inter“Seventh. That, to the end Kentucky may be pre-view with Colonel Prentiss, April 29th, to pared for any contingency, 'we would have her arm herself thoroughly at the earliest practicable moment,' by regular legal action.

States against the General Government.

“Sixth. That 'the present duty of Kentucky is to maintain her present independent position, taking sides not with the Administration, nor with the seceding States, but with the Union against them both, declaring her soil to be sacred from the hostile tread of either, and, if necessary, to make the declaration good with her strong right arm.'

Eighth. That we look to the young men of the Kentucky State Guard as the bulwarks of the safety of our Commonwealth, and that we conjure them to remember that they are pledged equally to fidelity

to the United States and Kentucky.

give the Federal commander assurances of Kentucky's strict neutrality, and to guarantee that no Confederate troops should cross her soil to invade the North; nor would the Kentucky authorities countenance any organiza tions in the State inimical to the Federal Government. In return, General Buckner

EXTRA SESSION OF THE KENTUCKY

LEGISLATURE.

169

Interview with Colonel Prentiss.

The Legislature's
Extra Session.

The Kentucky Legislature assembled in extra session as called, April 28th. The Governor's Message indicated anything but loyalty to the General Government. The following abstract gives its salient features:

He said; The semi-official announcement of a pacific policy on the part of the Federal Government had been broken, and has involved the country in civil war, and if not successfully resisted, will prove fatal to the liberties of the people. He charges the

inquired if any orders had | election, in hopes of disparaging the returns; been given under which but, the fact that larger votes were polled for Illinois troops might "in- the Union candidates than were given for the vade" Kentucky soil. He also qualifiedly combined Presidential candidates, proved | protested against the blockade of the Missis- that the people were, as four to six, true in sippi and Ohio rivers, which Colonel Prentiss their fealty to the Union. had instituted. The Federal commander reciprocated the kind feelings expressed by the Kentuckian, and gave such assurances as served to allay all fears of any "encroachments" on Kentucky soil. The information obtained, a few hours after this interview, of the landing of arms at the points named, and the reported gathering there of bodies of Secessionists, inspired the Colonel with very little confidence in Buckner's power, even if the willingness existed, to prevent the occupation of Kentucky soil by secession emissaries. Nor did a further interview (May 6th) with Colonel Tilghman, in command of the Western Military Division of Kentucky-who re-assured Colonel P. that no offensive demonstrations should be made upon Cairo from his department-prevent the vigilant and intelligent Federal officer from keeping his troops in the highest state of efficiency to repel the threatened, and apparently near at hand, attempt to break up the camp at Cairo and raise the blockade of the river.

May 3d, Governor Magoffin ordered an election for members of Congress, to be held July 1st. May 4th, the election of delegates to the proposed Border State Convention* was held. The result was an overwhelming triumph of the Unionists-54,760 majority— the secession vote being very meagre; so much so as to astonish the loyalists. The Secessionists went through the farce of "withdrawing their ticket," a few days prior to the

* This election was held in response to an invitation extended by the Virginia Legislature, in March, for a Border State Convention to assemble at Frankfort, Kentucky, May 20th. Only four States responded and appointed delegates, viz.: Arkansas, Missonri, Virginia and Delaware. Kentucky elected her delegates as above stated. It was evident, however, that the Convention would accomplish nothing, as no delegates would be present from Virginia, Arkansas, &c. The vote in Kentucky was held, however, as much to test the strength of the Union sentiment as to comply with the forms of the act providing for the vote.

President with usurpation of power in creating a standing army, mad with sectional hate, to subjugate or exterminate ten or more States. He says that seven States have established a Confederacy, which seems to receive the cordial and undivided allegiance of their entire population, and thinks that North Carolina, Tennessee and Arkansas will soon join it, while Missouri, Maryland and Delaware, where public sentiment favors a like step, are considering the propriety of joining the Confederacy. He declares the American Union dissolved, and war exists. He asks whether Kentucky shall continue with and assume her portion of the enormous war debt being incurred by the Federal Government

whether Kentucky shall declare her own independence, and, single-handed, prepare to maintain it, or make common cause with Slaveholding States. He does not propose to discuss the subject, but refers it to the people. As the Legislature was elected two years ago, he thinks they had better pass a law calling a Convention, and the election of delegates. He regrets that his proposition to arm the State was not carried out by the last Legislature. He compliments the Commercial, Louisville and Southern Banks for tendering money to procure arms, but says he fears that from the refusal of other Bauks, the opportunities of obtaining large supplies, effective guns and munitions of war, have been lost. He recommends the issue of $1,000 bonds to secure funds for obtaining arms. The Governor compliments the militia for their accomplishment of a State Guard, and speaks of the co-operation of the Executives of Ohio and Indiana for the preservation of amicable relations and trade, but says they cannot control their lawless cltizens, and thinks that an armed collision will prevail along the whole border unless effectual measures are taken to prevent it. He says his proposition to the General Government

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