Jefferson Davis to "It is the desire of this Government so to conduct the war now existing as to mitigate its horrors, as far as may be possible; and with this intent, its treatment of the prisoners captured by its forces has been marked by the greatest humanity and leniency consistent with public obligation; some have been permitted to return home on parole, others to re Secret Legislation. "I could not, without grave | Confederate lines, on the James River, and discourtesy, have made the the American officers were soon after pronewspaper statements above duced.* Davis kept his word; and there is referred to the subject of this communication, if the every reason to believe he would have hung threat of treating as pirates the citizens of this Cona Federal Colonel or Captain for every “pifederacy armed for its service on the high seas, had rate" executed. The consciousness of not been contained in your proclamation of the this fact-after the battle of Bull Run had April last; that proclamation, however, seems to afford a sufficient justification for considering those filled the Richmond prisons with Northern officers and men-was not the least cogent reapublished statements as not devoid of probability. son urged for treating the privateers as prisoners of war rather than as pirates. The legislation of the rebel Congress was all done in secret session. The doings of their own lawgivers were closed to the scrutiny of the people, and they only learned what was "the law" when Congress so far raised the seal of secrecy as to promulgate its acts for their enforcement. A sterner, less relentless tyranny, never was inaugurated in the name of Liberty. The resolve to prosecute the war with their greatest ability was then the firm, fixed idea of the Southern leaders, and the processes of legislation were not openly subject to observation and discussion. Davis could have been proclaimed in law, as he was in fact, Dictator, and the people would have known nothing of the affair until all was ready for its consummation. main at large under similar conditions within this Confederacy, and all have been fnrnished with rations for their subsistence, such as are allowed to our own troops. It is only since the news has been received of the treatment of the prisoners taken on the Savannah that I have been compelled to with- | draw these indulgences and to hold the prisoners taken by us in strict confinement. Á just regard to humanity and to the honor of this Government now requires me to state explicitly, that, painful as will be the necessity, this Government will deal out to the prisoners held by it the same treatment and the same fate as shall be experienced by those captured on the Savannah; and if driven to the terrible necessity of retaliation by your execution of any of the officers or crew of the Savannah, that retaliation will be extended so far as shall be requisite to secure the abandonment of a practice unknown to the warfare of civilized man, and so barbarous as to disgrace the nation which shall be guilty of inaugurating it. “With this view, and because it may not have reached you, I now renew the proposition made to the commander of the blockading squadron, to exchange for the prisoners taken on the Savannah an equal number of those now held by us, according to rank. I am, sir, yours, &c., "JEFFERSON DAVIS, Southern Resources. The Among the acts specially noticeable was one to raise means for the prosecution of the war. shinplaster issues of individuals and corporations having, already, wholly transplanted all other currency, Government found itself outdone in the issue of a baseless scrip. It, therefore, sought to create some tangible basis of interest paying if not of actual redemption—that its bonds and notes of issue might have at least a seeming value. The brilliant idea was conceived of making Cot “President and Commander-in-Chief of the Army ton the great salvator. As Southern men and Navy of the Confederate States." A reply never was returned; and those prisoners of war, whom Davis stated he had ordered into close confinement-" whose fate must necessarily depend upon that of the prisoners held by the enemy”—were released only one year thereafter, having been, during all that time, subjected to the rigors of severe and close confinement. In July, 1862, the privateers were finally sent within the believed, with a faith stronger than their faith in future punishments and rewards, that Cotton was King, it is not strange that the idol of their faith should be addressed in the hour of need. Did not the Romans tread the temple of Janus in times of war in the proud * Colonels Corcoran and Wilcox were among those set apart by lot as hostages for the safety of the privateers. THE COTTON AND PRODUCE LOAN. consciousness of his supremacy over all earthly powers? and was not Cotton the equal of Janus in art, in science, in moral, social and commercial position? Quite equal; and Confederate law-givers grew eager to make the representative of human slavery do the work of revolution. The ideas entertained on the means necessary to render the product most available were various; and, eventually, resulted in the formation of the bureau of the "Cotton and Produce Loan." Of this Mr. DeBow was made Superintendent -a position for which he was presumed to be peculiarly qualified.* During the session of Congress he issued the following Circular: RICHMOND, August 15th, 1861. The Cotton and Produce Loan. "To the People of Tennessee: 305 and they are still being received in a ratio which warrants the belief that every want of the treasury will be anticipated as the war advances. "Tennessee has not yet had the opportunity to respond, and the appeal is now made to her patriotic citizens. Those who will undertake in the sev eral counties of the State to solicit subscriptions will confer a public benefit and greatly aid the cause. "The form adopted for subscriptions is annexed. "The agency of the press is earnestly solicited in calling attention to the above. “J. D. B. DEBOW, Superintendent of Cotton and Produce Loan." As one half of Tennessee was then closely guarded to keep down open revolt against the Confederacy, the "unparalleled unanimity" might be classed with the "humors of the campaign," were it not that, with the au "You have responded with unparalleled unanim-thor of the Circular, falsification was a chronic ity to the calls of your country in furnishing troops to repel the invaders from our soil and to defend the common liberties. "The Government requires the means to keep its great armies in the field and to meet the requisitions of the war of subjugation which is proclaimed against us. "These means will be abundantly supplied from the resources of its patriotic citizens, who have evinced their determination now, as in the olden days which tried men's souls,' to sacrifice every interest and possession, even life itself, to maintain independence. "An issue of treasury bonds has been authorized to be made in exchange for the proceeds of the sales of crops and other industry, and these are to draw interest at the rate of eight per cent. per annum. These bonds will equal in character any other investments which can be made, and supported as they are, will enable the Government to issue and protect its treasury notes to such extent as may be proper. The Government proposes to every planter and farmer to receive from him a subscription in advance of his crop of any portion thereof exceeding one hundred dollars in value, and will pay him in Confederate bonds when the crop shall be made and sold. The illustration is simple: You subscribe one thousand bushels of wheat, one thousand bushels of corn, one thousand bales of cotton, &c., &c., or less, and specify the place of delivery; you or your own merchant will sell it and receive for the same Confederate bonds to the amount. "The subscriptions already made to this loan embrace an aggregate of many millions of dollars, * See foot-note, page 93. weakness rather to be pitied than laughed at. To the Circular the form of subscription was appended. It read: defense of the Confederate States the portion of our 'We, the subscribers, agree to contribute to the crops set down to our respective names; the same to be placed in warehouse or in our factor's hands, and sold on or before the first day of and the net proceeds of sale we direct to be paid over to the Treasurer of the Confederate States, for bonds for the same amount, bearing eight per cent. interest. next; "N. B.-The agent in charge of this subscription will fill the blank as to date of sale, with the month best suited to the locality of the subscriber, in all cases selecting the earliest practicable date." This discloses the whole scheme of that cotton loan enterprise. It forms one of the most absurd chapters in the history of the revolution. Stupendous in its sublime assurance of Confederate success, it was equally stupendous in its folly. Who would purchase the cotton and produce? The Confederate States. What would it pay in? In bonds. What would become of the produce and cotton? The Confederate armies would consume the first and fire would consume as seize. Result: bonds, and nothing else. much of the cotton as the Federals did not Faith in Foreign Recognition. There was, we should say in extenuation of the apparent absurdity of this financial scheme, a sublime faith in the early recognition of the independence of the South That the leaders of the revolution lived long enough to be disabused of this impression, and the contributors to the "Cotton and Produce Loan" lived long enough to see their "contributed" property waste away without rendering them any return, history has to record. Sesquestration of Northern Property. ern States; then the blockade would be raised | ers and commercial operators. To American and the cotton would be sold for English apprehension it was sophistical and disingold. The same blind infatuation regarding genuous; any ordinarily informed schoolboy the value and importance of their staple pre- | could have refuted its facts and gainsayed its vailed to render the claim of the South for figures; but, it was directed into channels recognition, in their estimation, absolutely where any refutation would have been chargimperative. England and France must have ed to illiberality or partisan spite, and therecotton; therefore they must break the block- fore it was safe. It was well for the peace ade, and thus throw down the gauntlet of of Europe in 1861, that the Southerners' defiance to the Federal Government. sophistries did not prevail to open a direct communication with the Confederate States." Another act of that session was that providing for the sequestration of all Northern property found in the South. It confiscated to the Confederate Government all property, moneys, claims and interests of the "alien enemy" found in the South; required all persons, attorneys, agents, partners, or guardians, to divulge the existence of any such property, &c., known to them under penalty of $500 for non-exposure; provided for a receiver for such property, &c., for its sale and entire disposition. The Attorney-General, in his instructions for enforcing the act, designated those who were subject to its penalties, viz: The Labors of It is not uninstructive, in this connection, to turn to the labors of agents sent abroad by the Confederacy to lay its claims before European governments. Among other envoys, Dudley Mann and Mr. Yancey were commissioned to England, and Mr. Rost and Thomas Butler King to France.* The latter was financier-general for the diplomats, and was looked upon as their director-general. His own chief efforts were devoted to the French throne. He laid a communication before the Minister of Commerce, in June, 1861, setting forth the commercial claims of the Southern States to direct commercial relations with Europe. The document was a pamphlet, printed in French, and, though addressed to the Minister of Commerce, really was designed for every court in Europe. It was an able plea, at once specious and imposing in its figures and assumed facts. To foreign apprehension it was a complete argument of justification, and served soon to raise up hundreds of friends to the Southern cause, particularly among the wealthier classes of manufactur * These Confederates practiced their chronic duplicity in Europe. Thus, Mr. King preferred to act as the "Commissioner" of Georgia to " Great Britain, France and Belgium." Nothing was openly said of his relations to the Confederate Government. Yet the correspondence afterwards obtained from a mail-bag seized in transitu from Havana to Savannah, proved Mr. King's position of caterer-general to the whole band of Confederate agents abroad. "1. All citizens of the United States, except citizens or residents of Delaware, Maryland, Kentucky, or Missouri, or the District of Columbia, or the Territories of New Mexico, Arizona or the Indian Terri tory south of Kansas. "2. All persons who have a domicil within the States with which this Government is at war, no matter whether they be citizens or not. Thus, the subjects of Great Britain, France or other neutral nations, who have a domicil or are carrying on business or traffic within the States at war with the Confederacy, are alien enemies under the law. “3. All such citizens or residents of the States of Delaware, Maryland, Kentucky or Missouri, and of the Territories of New Mexico, Arizona, and the of Columbia, as shall commit actual hostilities Indian Territory south of Kansas, and of the District against the Confederate States, or aid or abet the United States in the existing war against the Confederate States." EX-GOVERNOR WISE A BRIGADIER. 307 with a feeling of despondency. Behind the Inition of the fact of a permanent dissolution outward show of martial spirit stood the sad of the Union. Hence, the vast importance soul which peopled the future with spectres. which hung upon the events of the first conThe blood, the suffering, the sacrifices, the test. Bull Run came from its muddy obscuruin, necessary to obtain independence, even rity to give to the rebel cause its bloody if it could be won at all, made many question blessing; and, thereafter, no hope of peace if a mere political separation were worth such lit up a hill or valley of the South. In its cost. A victory to the Federal arms on the stead burned the lurid light of commingled first great battle-field, would, in all probabil- | scorn, hate and pride. The wish for peace ity, stay the tide of war, and restore peace. was gone; despondency was banished as unA victory to the Confederate arms would re-worthy; and every Southern household set store confidence in their Government, in their its goods in order as if to prepare for all the resources, in their power to compel a recog- contingencies of distress or death. CHAPTER VIL WISE'S ROSE CRANS' OPERATIONS IN THE KANA WHA VALLEY. BATTLE OF CARNIFAX Rosecrans in Com. mand. MCCLELLAN having turn- | "withdrawing" towards Lewisburg, when ed over his command to Western Virginia was pronounced by RoseBrigadier - General Rose- crans free of Confederate occupation. It crans, by orders dated Grafton, July 25th, the was not free, however, as the Federal General new commander soon announced the assign- was soon to learn. ment of his brigades, preparatory to clearing the rebels out of the Kanawha country, thus to complete the work so successfully commenced by McClellan, of relieving Western Virginia from rebel thraldom. McClellan, in his report of July 12th, announcing his victory at Rich Mountain, said: "I trust that General Cox has by this time driven Wise out of the Kanawha Valley. In that case I shall have accomplished the object of liberating Western Virginia." General Cox had not, however, been as rapid as his commanding General seemed to expect. Governor Wise was not made to abandon his post at Charleston until the 25th, when he fell back upon Gauley river, from which place he was pushed by Cox (July 29th)-Wise Ex-Governor Wise To ex-Governor Wise had "Brave sons of the ancient Commonwealth! The i |