fore the cities of the allies, they disbanded their troops, and surrendered up their liberties in the most pusillanimous manner, each city being solely attentive to its separate advantage.

This circumstance is a sufficient confirmation of what I have formerly observed with relation to the present disposition of the people of Greece. They were no longer animated with the noble zeal of those ancient asserters of liberty, who devoted their whole attention to the good of the public and the glory of the nation; who considered the danger of their neighbours and allies as their own, and marched with the utmost expedition to their assistance upon the first signal of their distress. Whereas now, if a formidable enemy appeared at the gates of Athens, all the republics of Greece had neither activity nor vigour; Peloponnesus continued without motion, and Sparta was as little heard of as if she had never existed. Unhappy effects of the mutual jealousy which those people had conceived against each other, and of their disregard to the common liberty, in consequence of a fatal lethargy, into which they were sunk amidst the greatest dangers! These are symptoms which prognosticate and prepare the way for approaching decline and ruin.

Antipater improved this desertion to his own advantage, and marched immediately to Athens, which saw herself abandoned by all her allies, and consequently in no condition to defend herself against a potent and victorious enemy. Before he entered the city, Demosthenes, and all those of his party, who may be considered as the last true Greeks, and the defenders of expiring liberty, retired from that place and the people, in order to transfer upon those great men the reproach resulting from their declaration of war against Antipater, and likewise to obtain his good graces, condem ned them to die by a decree which Demades prepared. The reader has not forgot that these are the same people, who had lately recalled Demosthenes, by a decree so much for his honour, and had received him in triumph.

The same Demades procured a second decree for sending ambassadors to Antipater, who was then at Thebes, and that they should be invested with full powers to negociate a treaty of peace with him. Phocion himself was at their head; and the conqueror declared, that he expected the Athenians should entirely submit the terms to his regulation, in the manner as he himself had acted, when he was beeged in the city of Lamia, and had conformed to the capitulation imposed upon him by Leosthenes their general. *Plut. in Phoc. p. 753, 75.4.

EE

Phocion returned to acquaint the Athenians with this answer, and they were compelled to acquiesce in the conditions, as rigid as they might appear. He then came back to Thebes with the rest of the ambassadors, with whom Xenocrates had been associated, in hopes that the appearance alone of so celebrated a philosopher would inspire Antipater with respect, and induce him to pay homage to his virtue. But surely they must have been little acquainted with the heart of man, and particularly with the violent and inhuman disposition of Antipater, to be capable of flattering themselves, that an enemy, with whom they had been engaged in an open war, would renounce his advantage through any inducement of respect for the virtue of a single man, or in consequence of an harangue uttered by a philosopher who had declared against him. Antipater would not even condescend to cast his eyes upon him; and when he was preparing to enter upon the confer ence (for he was commissioned to be the speaker on this occasion), he interrupted him in a very abrupt manner; and perceiving that he continued in his discourse, commanded him to be silent. But he did not treat Phocion in the same manner; for after he had attended to his discourse, he replied, "that he was disposed to contract a friendship and alliance with the Athenians on the following conditions: they "should deliver up Demosthenes and Hyperides to him; the government should be restored to its ancient plan, by which "all employments in the state were to be conferred upon "the rich; that they should receive a garrison into the port "of Munychia; that they should defray all the expences of "the war, and also a large sum, the amount of which should "be settled." Thus, according to Diodorus, none but those whose yearly income exceeded 2000 drachms, were to be admitted into any share of the government for the future, or to have any right to vote. Antipater intended to make himself absolute master of Athens by this regulation, being very sensible, that the rich men who enjoyed public employments, and had large revenues, would become his dependents much more effectually than a poor and despicable populace, who had nothing to lose, and would be only guided by their own caprice.

All the ambassadors but Xenocrates were well contented with these conditions, which they thought were very mode rate, considering their present situation; but that philosopher judged otherwise. "They are very moderate for slaves," said he, "but extremely severe for free men.”

The Athenians were therefore compelled to receive into Munychia a Macedonian garrison, commanded by Menyllus, a man of probity, and by some of Phocion's particular friends,

The troops took possession of the place during the festival of the great mysteries, and the very day on which it was usual to carry the god Iacchus in procession from the city to Eleusina. This was a melancholy conjuncture for the Athenians, and affected them with the most sensible afliction. "Alas!" said they, when they compared past times with those they then saw, "the gods, amidst our greatest adver"sities, would formerly manifest themselves in our favour during their sacred ceremonial, by mystic visions and audible voices, to the great astonishment of our enemies, "who were terrified by them. But now, when we are even "celebrating the same solemnities, they cast an unpitying 66 eye on the greatest calamities that can happen to Greece: "they hold the most sacred of all days in the year, and "that which is most agreeable to us, polluted and dis"tinguished by the most dreadful of calamities, which will “even transmit its name to this sacred time through all "succeeding generations."

The garrison, commanded by Menyllus, did not offer the least injury to any of the inhabitants, but there were more than 12,000 of them excluded from employments in the state, by one of the stipulations in the treaty, in consequence of their poverty. Some of these unfortunate persons continued in Athens, and lingered out a wretched life, amidst the contemptuous treatment they had justly drawn upon themselves; for the generality of them were seditious and mercenary in their dispositions, had neither virtue nor justice, but flattered themselves with a false idea of liberty, which they were incapable of using aright, and had no knowledge of either its bounds, duties, or end. The other poor citizens departed from the city, in order to avoid that opprobrious condition, and retired into Thre, where Antipater assigned them a city and lands for their habitation.

*Demetrius Phalereus was obliged to have recourse to flight, and retired to Nicanor; but Cassander, the son of Antipater, reposed much confidence in him, and made him governor of Munychia after the death of his father, as will appear immediately. This Demetrius had been not only the disciple, but the intimate friend of the celebrated Theophrastus; and, under the conduct of so learned a master, had perfected his natural genius for eloquence, and rendered himself expert in philosophy, politics, and history. He was in great esteem at Athens, and began to enter upon the administration of affairs, when Harpalus arrived there, after he had declared against Alexander. He was obliged to quit that city at the time we have mentioned, and was soon after con

*Athen. 1. xii. p. 542. †Diog. in Daert. in Demetr.

demned there, though absent, under a vain pretext of irreligion.

The whole weight of Antipater's displeasure fell chiefly upon Demosthenes, Hyperides, and some other Athenians, who had been their adherents; and when he was informed that they had eluded his vengeance by flight, he dispatched a body of men with orders to seize them, and placed one Archias at their head, who had formerly played in tragedies. This man having found at Ægina, the orator Hyperides, Aristonicus of Marathon, and Hymereus the brother of Demetrius Phalereus, who had all three taken sanctuary in the temple of Ajax, he dragged them from their asylum, and sent them to Antipater, who was then at Cleones, where he condemned them to die. Some authors have even clared that he caused the tongue of Hyperides to be cut out.

The same Archias having received intelligence, that De-mosthenes, who had retired into the island of Calauria, was become a supplicant in the temple of Neptune, he sailed thither in a small vessel and landed with some Thracian sol-diers: after which he spared no pains to persuade Demosthenes to accompany him to Antipater, assuring him that he thould receive no injury. Demosthenes was too well ac-quainted with mankind to rely on his promises; and was sensible that venal souls, who have hired themselves into the service of iniquity, those infamous ministers in the execu-tion of orders equally cruel and unjust, have as little regard to sincerity and truth as their masters. To prevent there fore his falling into the hand of a tyrant, who would have satiated his fury upon him, he swallowed poison, which he always carried about him, and which soon produced its effect. When he found his strength declining, he advanced a few steps, by the aid of some domestics who supported him, and fell down dead at the foot of the altar.

The Athenians, soon after this event, erected a statue of brass to his memory, as a testimonial of their gratitude and esteem, and made a decree, that the eldest branch of his family should be brought up in the Prytaneum, at the public expence, from generation to generation; and at the foot of the statue they engraved this inscription, which was couched in two elegiac verses: "Demosthenes, if thy power had "been equal to thy wisdom, the Macedonian Mars would "never have triumphed over Greece." What regard is to be entertained for the judgment of a people, who were capable of being hurried into such opposite extremes, and who one day passed sentence of death on a citizen, and loaded him with honours and applause the next!

* Plut. in Demosth, p. 859, 860.

What I have already said of Demosthenes, on several occasions, makes it unnecessary to enlarge upon his character in this place. He was not only a great orator, but an accomplished statesman. His views were noble and exalted; his zeal was not to be intimidated by any conjunctures, wherein the honour and interest of his country were concerned ; he firmly retained an irreconcileble aversion to all measures which had any resemblance to tyranny, and his love for liberty was such as may be imagined in a republican, as implacable an enemy to all servitude and dependency asever lived. A wonderful sagacity of mind enabled him to penetrate into future events, and presented them to his view with as much perspicuity, though remote, as if they had been actually present. He seemed as much acquainted with all the designs of Philip as if he had been admitted into a participation of his counsels; and if the Athenians had followed his counsels, that prince would not have attained that height of power, which proved destructive to Greece, as Demosthenes had frequently foretold.

*He was perfectly acquainted with the disposition of Philip, and was very far from praising him, like the generality of orators. Two colleagues, with whom he was associated in an embassy to that prince, were continually praising the king of Macedonia, at their return, and saying, that he was a very eloquent and amiable prince, and a most extraordinary drinker. "What strange commendations are these?" replied Demosthenes. "The first is the accomplishment of a "rhetorician; the second of a woman; and the third of a 66 sponge; but none of them the praise of a king."

With relation to eloquence, nothing can be added to what Quintilian has observed, in the parallel he has drawn between Demosthenes and Cicero. After he has shown, that the great and essential qualities of an orator are common to them both, he marks out the particular difference observable between them with respect to style and elocution. “The one,¡” says he, "is more precise, the other more luxuriant. The "one crowds all his forces into a smaller compass when he "attacks his adversary, the other chuses a larger field for "the assault. The one always endeavours in a manner to "transfix him with the vivacity of his style, the other fre"quently overwhelms him with the weight of his discourse. "Nothing can be retrenched from the one, and nothing can

*Plut. in Demosth. p. 853.

In eloquendo est aliqua diversitas. Densior ille, hic copiosior. Ille concludit astrictius, hic latius pugnat. Ille acumine semper, hic frequenter et pondere. Illi nihil detrahi potest, huic nihil adjici. Cure plus in illo, in hoc naturæ. Quintil, 1; x, c, 1,