[A Carman's Account of a Law-suit.] Of tails I will no more indite, For dread some duddron1 me despite. That of side tails can come nae gude, Sider nor may their ankles hide, Marry, I lent my gossip my mare, to fetch hame coals, Notwithstanding, I will conclude, And there I happenit amang ane greedie meinyie.1 And syne I gat-how call ye it! ad replicandum; Supplication in Contemption of Side Tails.2 Sovereign, I means of thir side tails, Richt so ane queen or ane emprice; * * Ane other fault, Sir, may be seen, Quoth Lindsay, in contempt of the side tails, [The Building of the Tower of Babel, and Their great fortress then did they found, * * That till the heaven it should ascend: The wallis of that wark they made, ! Poor claggocks clad in Raploch white, Ane fathom then, as some men says, Ane man was then of mair stature Nor twa be now, of this be sure. The translator of Orosius Without her kirtle tail be side. I think maist pane after ane rain, Then the great God omnipotent, To see them tuckit up again; And the prideful presumption, Then when they step furth through the street, Their fauldings flaps about their feet; How thir proud people did pretend, ** They waste mair claith, within few years, Nor wald cleid fifty score of freirs. Sic languages on them he laid, Where was but ane language afore, God send them languages three score; of those days. 3 Complain. • May feel annoyed. * Draggle-tails Born. 1 Sent. 2 Scolding. 3 Jest. Afore that time all spak Hebrew, for final conclusion, Constrained were they for till depart, Ilk company in ane sundry airt. * MISCELLANEOUS PIECES OF THE PERIOD 1400-1558. A few pieces of the reigns of Henry VIII. and Edward VI., some of which are by uncertain authors, may be added, as further illustrative of the literary history of that period. The first two are amongst the earliest verses in which the metaphysical refinements, so notable in the subsequent period, are observable. A Praise of his (the Poet's) Lady. The virtue of her lively looks In each of her two crystal eyes It would you all in heart suffice To see that lamp of joy. I think Nature hath lost the mould, Where she her shape did take; Or else I doubt if Nature could So fair a creature make. She may be well compared Unto the phenix kind, Whose like was never seen nor Leard, That any man can find. In life she is Diana chaste, In troth Penelope, In word and eke in deed steadfast: What will you more we say? Her roseal colour comes and goes With such a comely grace, More ruddier too than doth the rose, Within her lively face. At Bacchus' feast none shall her meet, Ne at no wanton play; Nor gazing in an open street, Nor gadding as a stray. The modest mirth that she doth use O Lord, it is a world to see Truly she doth as far exceed [Characteristic of an Englishman.] [By Andrew Bourd, physician to Henry VIII. The lines form an inscription under the picture of an Englishman, naked, with a roll of cloth in one hand, and a pair of scissors in the other.] I am an Englishman, and naked I stand here, All new fashions be pleasant to me, Then I am a minion, for I wear the new guise, The next year after I hope to be wise Not only in wearing my gorgeous array, For I will go to learning a whole summer's day; And I will learn Dutch sitting on my bench. I overcome my adversaries by land and by sea : No man shall let me, but I will have my mind, The Nut-Brown Maid. [Regarding the date and author of this piece no certainty exists. Prior, who founded his Henry and Emma upon it, fixes its date about 1400; but others, judging from the comparatively modern language of it, suppose it to have been composed subsequently to the time of Surrey. The poem opens with a declaration of the author, that the faith of woman is stronger than is generally alleged, in proof of which he proposes to relate the trial to which the Not-Browne Mayde' was exposed by her lover. What follows consists of a dialogue between the pair.] HE.-It standeth so; a deed is do', A shameful death, I trow; SHE.-O Lord, what is this world's bliss, I hear you say, Farewell: Nay, nay, Why say ye so? whither will ye go? HE.-I can believe, it shall you grieve, Shall soon aslake; and ye shall take Comfort to you again. Why should ye ought, for to make thought? Your labour were in vain. And thus I do, and pray to you, As heartily as I can; For I must to the green wood go, Alone, a banished man. SHE. Now sith that ye have showed to me The secret of your mind, I shall be plain to you again, Like as ye shall me find. Sith it is so that ye will go, I will not live behind; Shall never be said, the Nut-Brown Maid Was to her love unkind: Make you ready, for so am I, HE.-I counsel you, remember how Nothing to doubt, but to run out For ye must there in your hand bear And as a thief, thus must you live, SHE.-I think not nay, but, as ye say, But love may make me for your sake, To come on foot, to hunt and shoot To get us meat in store; For, in my mind, of all mankind HE.-Yet take good heed, for ever I dread SHE.-Sith I have here been partinèr Yet I am sure of one pleasure, That, where ye be, me seemeth, pardie, HE. If ye go thither, ye must consider, None other house but leaves and boughs, To cover your head and mine. SHE.-Among the wild deer, such an archér, Ye may not fail of good vittail, With which in heal, I shall right weel Endure, as ye shall see; And, ere we go, a bed or two I can provide anone; For, in my mind, of all mankind I love but you alone. HE-Lo yet before, ye must do more, If ye will go with me; As cut your hair up by your ear, Your kirtle to the knee; With bow in hand, for to withstand Your enemies, if need be; And this same night, before day-light, To wood-ward will I flee. If that ye will all this fulfill, Do't shortly as ye can: Else will I to the green wood go, Alone, a banished man. SHE-I shall, as now, do more for you, Oh, my sweet mother, before all other Where fortune doth me lead. I love but you alone. HE-Nay, nay, not so; ye shall not go, Your appetitel is to be light Of love, I weel espy: For like as ye have said to me, In like wise, hardily, Ye would answer whoever it were, In way of company. It is said of old, soon hot, soon cold; And so is a woman, Wherefore I to the wood will go, Alone, a banished man. SHE-If ye take heed, it is no need For oft ye prayed and me assayed, Ere I loved you, pardie: And though that I, of ancestry, A baron's daughter be, Yet have you proved how I you loved, A squire of low degree; And ever shall, whatso befal; To die therefore anon; For, in my mind, of all mankind I love but you alone. HE-A baron's child to be beguiled, It were a cursed deed! To be fellàw with an outlaw, Almighty God forbid ! It better were, the poor squièr Alone to forest yede, Than I should say, another day, That, by my cursed deed, We were betrayed: wherefore, good maid, The best rede that I can, Is, that I to the greenwood go, Alone, a banished man. 1 Disposition. SHE. Whatever befall, I never shall, For if ye, as ye said, Trust me truly, that I shall die For, in my mind, of all mankind HE. If that ye went, ye should repent; I have purveyed me of a maid, Whom I love more than you; Another fairèr than ever ye were, I dare it weel avow, And of you both each should be wroth It were mine ease to live in peace ; Wherefore I to the wood will go, SHE. Though in the wood I understood All this may not remove my thought, And she shall find me soft and kind HE.-Mine own dear love, I see thee prove Of maid and wife, in all my life, The best that ever I knew. Be merry and glad; no more be sad; The case is changed now; For it were ruth, that, for your truth, Ye should have cause to rue. Be not dismayed; whatever I said To you, when I began; I will not to the greenwood go: I am no banished man. SHE. These tidings be more glad to me, Than to be made a queen, If I were sure they would endure: But it is often seen, When men will break promise, they speak The wordes on the spleen. Ye shape some wile me to beguile, And steal from me, I ween: Than were the case worse than it was, And I more woe-begone: For, in my mind, of all mankind I love but you alone. HE. Ye shall not need further to dread : I will not disparage, You (God defend!) sith ye descend Of so great a lineage. Now understand; to Westmoreland, Which is mine heritage, I will you bring; and with a ring, By way of marriage, I will you take, and lady make, As shortly as I can : Thus have you won an earl's son, 1 PROSE WRITERS. SIR JOHN FORTESCUE. Not long after the time of Lydgate, our attention is called to a prose writer of eminence, the first since the time of Chaucer and Wickliffe. This was SIR JOHN FORTESCUE, Chief Justice of the King's Bench under Henry VI., and a constant adherent of the fortunes of that monarch. He flourished between the years 1430 and 1470. Besides several Latin tracts, Chief Justice Fortescue wrote one in the common language, entitled, The Difference between an Absolute and Limited Monarchy, as it more particularly regards the English Constitution, in which he draws a striking, though perhaps exaggerated, contrast between the condition of the French under an arbitrary monarch, and that of his own countrymen, who even then possessed considerable privileges as subjects. The following extracts convey at once an idea of the literary style, and of the manner of thinking, of that age. [English Courage.] [Original spelling. It is cowardise and lack of hartes and corage, that kepith the Frenchmen from rysyng, and not povertye; which corage no Frenche man hath like to the English man. It hath ben often seen in Englond that iij or iv thefes. for povertie, hath sett upon vij or viij true men, and robbyd them al. But it hath not ben seen in Fraunce, that vij or viij thefes have ben hardy to robbe iij or iv true men. Wherfor it is right seld that French men be hangyd for robberye, for that thay have no hertys to do so terryble an acte. There be therfor mo men hangyd in Englond, in a yere, for robberye and manslaughter, than ther be hangid in Fraunce for such cause of crime in vij yers, &c.] It is cowardice and lack of hearts and courage, that keepeth the Frenchmen from rising, and not poverty; which courage no French man hath like to the English man. It hath been often seen in England that three or four thieves, for poverty, hath set upon seven or eight true men, and robbed them all. But it hath not been seen in France, that seven or eight thieves have been hardy to rob three or four true men. Wherefore it is right seld that Frenchmen be hanged for robbery, for that they have no hearts to do so terrible an act. There be therefore mo men hanged in England, in a year, for robbery and manslaughter, than there be hanged in France for such cause of crime in seven years. There is no man hanged in Scotland in seven years together for robbery, and yet they be often times hanged for larceny, and stealing of goods in the absence of the owner thereof; but their hearts serve them not to take a man's goods while he is present and will defend it; which manner of taking is called robbery. But the English man be of another courage; for if he be poor, and see another man having riches which may be taken from him by might, he wol not spare to do so, but if that poor man be right true. Wherefore it is not poverty, but it is lack of heart and cowardice, that keepeth the French men from rising. What harm would come to England if the Commons thereof were Poor. Some men have said that it were good for the king that the commons of England were made poor, as be the commons of France. For then they would not rebel, as now they done often times, which the commons of France do not, nor may do; for they have no weapon, nor armour, nor good to buy it withall. To these manner of men may be said, with the philosopher, Ad parva respicientes, de facili enunciant; that 'Seldom. But if-unless. is to say, they that seen few things woll soon say their advice. Forsooth those folks consideren little the good of the realın, whereof the might most stondeth upon archers, which be no rich men. And if they were made poorer than they be, they should not have wherewith to buy them bows, arrows, jacks, or any other armour of defence, whereby they might be able to resist our enemies when they list to come upon us, which they may do on every side, considering that we be an island; and, as it is said before, we may not have soon succours of any other realm. Wherefore we should be a prey to all other enemies, but if we be mighty of ourself, which might stondeth most upon our poor archers; and therefore they needen not only to have such habiliments as now is spoken of, but also they needen to be much exercised in shooting, which may not be done without right great expenses, as every man expert therein knoweth right well. Wherefore the making poor of the commons, which is the making poor of our archers, should be the destruction of the greatest might of our realm. Item, if poor men may not lightly rise, as is the opinion of those men, which for that cause would have the commons poor; how then, if a mighty man made a rising, should ne be repressed, when all the commons be so poor, that after such opinion they may not fight, and by that reason not help the king with fighting? And why maketh the king the commons to be every year mustered, sithen it was good they had no harness, nor were able to fight? Oh, how unwise is the opinion of these men; for it may not be maintained by any reason! Item, when any rising hath been made in this land, before these days by commons, the poorest men thereof hath been the greatest causers and doers therein. And thrifty men have been loth thereto, for dread of losing of their goods, yet often times they have gone with them through menaces, or else the same poor men would have taken their goods; wherein it seemeth that poverty hath been the whole and chief cause of all such rising. The poor man hath been stirred thereto by occasion of his poverty for to get good; and the rich men have gone with them because they wold not be poor by losing of their goods. What then would fall, if all the commons were poor? WILLIAM CAXTON. The next writer of note was WILLIAM CAXTON, the celebrated printer; a man of plain understanding, but great enthusiasm in the cause of literature. While acting as an agent for English merchants in Holland, he made himself master of the art of printing, then recently introduced on the Continent; and, having translated a French book styled, The Recuyell of the Histories of Troye, he printed it at Ghent, in 1471, being the first book in the English language ever put to the press. Afterwards he established a printing-office at Westminster, and in 1474, produced The Game of Chess, which was the first book printed in Britain. Caxton translated or wrote about sixty different books, all of which went through his own press before his death in 1491. As a specimen of his manner of writing, and of the literary language of this age, a passage is here extracted, in modern * In a note to this publication, Caxton says-Forasmuch as age creepeth on me daily, and feebleth all the bodie, and also because I have promised divers gentlemen, and to my friends, to address to them, as hastily as I might, this said book, therefore I have practised and learned, at my great charge and dispence, to ordain this said book in print, after the manner and form as ye may here see, and is not written with pen and ink, as other books ben, to the end that all men may have them at once, for all the books of this story, named The Recule of the Historeys of Troyes, thus emprinted, as ye here see, were begun in one day, and also finished in one day.' 1 |