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secretary, and reposed great confidence in him. He was equally esteemed by Alexander, who treated him with extraordinary marks of his favour. Barsina, the first lady for whom this prince had entertained a passion in Asia, and by whom he had a sonnamed Hercules, had a sister of the same name with her own,and the king gave her in marriage to Eumenes." We shall see by the event that this prudent favourite conducted him. self in such a manner as justly entitled him to the favour of those two princes, even after their death; and all his sentiments and actions will make it evident that a man may be a plebeian by birth, and yet very noble by nature.

I have already intimated, that Sysigambis, who had patiently supported the death of her father, husband, and son, was incapable of surviving Alexander.

The death of this princess was soon followed by that of her two grand-daughters, Statira, the widow of Alexander, and Drypetis, the relict of Hephæstion. Roxana, who was apprehensive lest Statira should be pregnant by Alexander as well as herself, and that the birth of a prince would frustrate the measures which had been taken to secure the succession to the son she hoped to have, prevailed upon the two sisters to visit her, and secretly destroyed them in concert with Perdiccas, her only confidant in that impious proceeding.

It is now time to enter upon a detail of those actions that were performed by the successors of Alexander. I shall therefore begin with the defection of the Greeks in Upper Asia, and with the war which Antipater had to sustain against Greece; because those transactions are most detached, and in a manner distinct from the other events.

SECT. II.

Revolt of the Greeks in Upper Asia. Antipater goes into Greece. Flight and death of Demosthenes.

d

The Greeks, whom Alexander had established in the form of colonies, in the provinces of Upper Asia, continued with reluctance in those settlements, because they did not experience that delight and satisfaction with which they had flattered themselves, and had long cherished an ardent desire of returning into their own country. They had not however dared to discover their uneasiness whilst Alexander was living, but, the moment they received intelligence of his death, they openly declared their intentions. They armed 20,000 foot, all warlike and experienced soldier's, with 3,000 horse; and, having placed Philon at their head, they

a Q. Curt. 1. x. c 5.

Plut. in Alex

e Arian assigns him another wife, 1. vii p. 278.
d A. M. 3681. Ant. J. C, 323. Diod. 1. xviii. p 591, 592,

prepared for their departure, without taking counsel, or receiving orders from any but themselves, as if they had been subject to no authority, and no longer acknowledged any superior.

Perdiccas, who foresaw the consequences of such an enterprise, at a time when every thing was in motion, and when the troops, as well as their officers, breathed nothing but independence, sent Pithon to oppose them.

The merit of this officer was acknowledged by all; and he willingly charged himself with this commission, in expectation of gaining over those Greeks, and of procuring himself some considerable establishment in Upper Asia by their means. Perdiccas, being acquainted with his design, gave a very surprising order to the Macedonians whom he sent with that general, which was to exterminate the revolters entirely. Pithon, on his arrival, brought over by money 3,000 Greeks, who turned their backs in the battle, and were the occasion of his obtaining a complete victory. The vanquished troops surrendered, but made the preservation of their lives and liberties the condition of their submitting to the conqueror. This was exactly agreeable to Pithon's design, but he was no longer master of its execution. The Macedonians, thinking it incumbent on them to accomplish the orders of Perdiccas, inhumanly slaughtered all the Greeks, without the least regard to the terms they had granted them. Pithon, being thus defeated in his views, returned with his Macedonians to Perdiccas.

a

This expedition was soon succeeded by the Grecian war. The news of Alexander's death, being brought to Athens, had excited great rumours, and occasioned a joy that was almost universal. The people, who had long sustained with reluctance the yoke which the Macedonians had imposed on Greece, made liberty the subject of all their discourse: they breathed nothing but war, and abandoned themselves to all the extravagant emotions of a senseless and excessive joy. Phocion, who was a person of wisdom and moderation, and doubted the truth of the intelligence they had received, endeavoured to calm the turbulency of their minds, and to check these impetuous sallies, which rendered them incapable of counsel and sedate reflection. As the generality of the orators, notwithstanding all his remonstrances, believed the news of Alexander's death, Phocion rose up and expressed himself in this manner: "If he be really dead to-day, "he will likewise be so to-morrow and the next day, so that we shall have time enough to deliberate in a calm manner, and with greater security.

Leosthenes, who was the first that published this account a Plut. in Phoc. p. 751, 752

at Athens, was continually haranguing the people with excessive arrogance and vanity. Phocion, who was tired with his speeches, said to him, "Young man, your discourse re"sembles the cypress, which is tall and spreading, but bears "no fruit." He gave great offence by opposing the inclinations of the people in so strenuous a manner, and Hyperides, rising up, asked him this question: "When would you ad"vise the Athenians to make war?"-" As soon (replied "Phocion) as I see the young men firmly resolved to observe "a strict discipline; the rich disposed to contribute accord"ing to their abilities to the expense of a war; and when the "orators no longer rob the public."

All the remonstrances of Phocion were ineffectual: a war was resolved upon, and a deputation agreed to be sent to all the states of Greece, to engage their accession to the league. This is the war in which all the Greeks, except the Thebans, united to maintain the liberty of their country, under the conduct of Leosthenes, against Antipater; and it was called the Lamian war, from the name of a city where the latter was defeated in the first battle.

a Demosthenes, who was then in exile at Megara, but who, amidst his misfortunes, always retained an ardent zeal for the interest of his country and the defence of the common liberty, joined himself with the Athenian ambassadors sent into Peloponnesus; and, having seconded their remonstrances in a wonderful manner by the force of his cloquence, he engaged Sicyon, Argos, Corinth, and the other cities of Peloponnesus, to accede to the league.

The Athenians were struck with admiration at a zeal so noble and generous, and immediately passed a decree to recal him from banishment. A galley with three ranks of oars was despatched to him at Ægina; and, when he enter→ ed the port of Piræus, all the magistrates and priests advanced out of the city, and all the citizens crowded to meet that illustrious exile, and received him with the utmost demonstrations of affection and joy, blended at the same time with an air of sorrow and repentance, for the injury they had done him. Demosthenes was sensibly affected with the extraordinary honours that were rendered him; and, whilst he returned, as it were, in triumph to his country, amidst. the acclamations of the people, he lifted up his hands towards heaven, to thank the gods for so illustrious a protection, and congratulated himself on beholding a day more glorious to him than that had proved to Alcibiades, on which he returned from his exile: for his fellow-citizens received him from the pure effect of desire and good-will: whereas the reception of Alcibiades was involuntary, and his entrance a compulsion upon their inclinations.

a Plut. in Demost. p. 858. Justin, 1.xiii. c. 5.

The generality of those who were far advanced in years were extremely apprehensive of the event of a war, which had been undertaken with too much precipitation, and without examining into the consequences with all the attention and sedateness that an enterprise of so much importance required. They were sensible, also, that there was no necessity for declaring themselves so openly against the Macedonians, whose veteran troops were very formidable; and the example of Thebes, which was destroyed by the same temerity of conduct, added to their consternation. But the orators, who derived their advantages from the distraction of the public affairs, and to whom, according to the observation of Philip, war was peace and peace war, would not allow the people time to deliberate maturely on the affairs proposed to their consideration, but drew them into their sentiments by a fallacious eloquence, which presented them with nothing but scenes of future conquest and triumphs.

Demosthenes and Phocion, who wanted neither zeal nor prudence, were of different sentiments on this occasion, which was no extraordinary circumstance with respect to them. It is not my province to determine which of them had reason on his side, but, in such a perplexing conjuncture as this, there is nothing surprising in a contrariety of opinions, though the result of good intentions on both sides. Phocion's scheme was, perhaps, the most prudent, and that of Demosthenes the most glorious.

However that were, a considerable army was raised, and a very numerous fleet fitted out. All the citizens who were under the age of forty, and capable of bearing arms, were drawn out. Three of the ten tribes that composed the republic were left for the defence of Attica, the rest marched out with the other allies under the command of Leosthenes.

Antipater was far from being indolent during these transactions in Greece, of which he had been apprised, and he had sent to Leonatus in Phrygia, and to Craterus in Cilicia, to solicit their assistance; but, before the arrival of the expected succours, he marched at the head of only 13,000 Macedonians and 600 horse, the frequent recruits which he had sent Alexander having left him no more troops in all the country.

It is surprising that Antipater should attempt to give battle to the united forces of all Greece with such a handful of men; but he undoubtedly imagined, that the Greeks were no longer actuated by their ancient zeal and ardour for liberty, and that they ceased to consider it as such an inestimable advantage as ought to inspire them with a resolution to venture their lives and fortunes for its preservation. He flat

a Diod. 1. xviii. p. 524-599.

tered himself that they had begun to familiarise themselves with subjection; and indeed this was the disposition of the Greeks at that time, in whom appeared,no longer the des cendants of those who had so gallantly sustained all the efforts of the east, and fought against a million of men for the preservation of their freedom.

Antipater advanced towards Thessaly, and was followed by his fleet, which cruised along the sea-coasts. It consisted of 110 triremes, or galleys of three benches of oars. The Thessalians declared at first in his favour; but, having afterwards changed their sentiments, they joined the Athenians, and supplied them with a strong body of horse.

As the army of the Athenians and their allies was much more numerous than that of the Macedonians, Antipater could not support the charge, and was defeated in the first battle. As he durst not hazard a second, and was in no condition to make a safe retreat into Macedonia, he shut himself up in Lamia, a small city in Thessaly, in order to wait for succours that were to be transmitted to him from Asia, and he fortified himself in that Place, which was soon besieged by the Athenians.

The assault was carried on with great bravery against. the town, and the resistance was equally vigorous. Leosthenes, after several attempts, despairing to carry it by force, changed the siege into a blockade, in order to conquer the place by famine. He surrounded it with a wall of circumvallation, and a very deep ditch, and by these means cut off all supplies of provision. The city soon became sensible of the growing scarcity, and the besieged began to be seriously disposed to surrender; when Leosthenes, in a sally they made upon him, received a considerable wound, which rendered it necessary for him to be carried to his tent. Upon which the command of the army was consigned to Antiphilus, who was equally esteemed by the troops for his valour and ability.

a Leonatus, in the mean time, was marching to the assistance of the Macedonians besieged in Lamia, and was commissioned, as well as Antigonus, by an agreement made between the generals, to establish Eumenes in Cappadocia by force of arms; but they took other measures, in consequence of some private views. Leonatus, who reposed an entire confidence in Eumenes, declared to him at parting, that the engagement to assist Antipater was a mere pretext, and that his real intention was to advance into Greece, in order to make himself master of Macedonia. He at the same time showed him letters from Cleopatra, the sister of Alexander, who invited him to come to Pella, and promised

a A. M. 3681. Ant. J. C, 323. Plyt. in Eumen. p. 584

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