nature of the conflict, and its almost prophetic foresight of the final result, based especially upon moral causes, were its wonderful characteristics. It was written by Count de Gasparin, once one of Louis Philippe's cabinet, and a member of the Chamber of Deputies, who was compelled to leave France when Napoleon III came into power, and take up his residence in Switzerland, whence he could look out upon the world and watch the course of nations. Statesman as he was, he was quick to discern the significance of Mr. Lincoln's election, and saw in it the ultimate if not speedy overthrow of slavery. As a philosopher, too, he understood the power of righteousness and freedom when matched against oppression and wrong, and where there was so much liberty of thought and speech and action as in this country, he could not doubt which would conquer. But more than all, as a Christian he had weighed the moral forces of the universe, and calculated "the power without ourselves that makes for righteousness," and estimated the course of Providence, and the favor and power of the God of heaven, and the influence of the spirit of Christianity upon the earth, with reference to the final result. And while he makes no pretension to read the future, he does attempt to make "a distinction between what may happen and what must endure." He sees in Mr. Lincoln's election "emancipation by no means decreed; it will not be for a long time perhaps, yet the principle of emancipation is established, irrevocably established in the sight of all." "It may be that this struggle will end in the adoption of some blamable compromise, but whatever may be inscribed in it, the election of Mr. Lincoln has just written in the margin a note that will annul the text. The time for certain concessions is past, and the South has no more doubts of it than the North. It may be that the slave States will succeed in founding their deplorable confederacy, but it is impossible that they should

succeed in making it live; they will perceive that it is easier to adopt a compact or to elect a president than to create in truth, and in the face of the Nineteenth Century, the nationality of slavery. I have therefore the right to affirm that whatever may be the appearances and incidents of the moment, one fact has been accomplished and will subsist: the United States were perishing and are saved." And while he accepts the testimony of his countryman, M. de Tocqueville, who had written so justly of our democracy, that "America is the place of all others where the Christian religion has preserved the most power over souls," he cannot admit with him that the whites and the blacks can never live together free, without the one oppressing the other, or the other being exterminated. He expects that the Gospel will solve even this "problem of the coexistence of races," as it has already done in some of the West India Islands. "I hope that the Gospel, accustomed to work miracles, will also work this." "This power is the one to be found at the base of all lasting reforms. In that country where the idea of authority has little force, there is one authority, that of the Bible, before which the majority bow, and which is of the more importance, inasmuch as it alone commands respect and obedience." "Thanks to the Gospel, it is upon this I fall back to solve the problem of the coexistence of races."

Then like a Hebrew prophet, he leads us and our friends abroad, to expect a long and desperate struggle, but assures us of Divine protection and ultimate victory: "Let Mr. Lincoln assure himself, and let the European adversaries of slavery remember as well, that it will be necessary to fight, and to persist in fighting." "Never was a more obstinate and more colossal strife commenced on earth." "But he whom God guards, is well guarded." "It is a fixed fact that the Nineteenth Century will see the end of slavery in all its forms, and woe to him who opposes the march of such

a progress!" The writer then goes on to say: "If you wish to know what the presidency of Mr. Lincoln will be in the end, see in what manner and under what auspices it was inaugurated. Listen to the words that fell from the lips of the new President as he quitted his native town: The task that devolves upon me is greater perhaps than that which devolved on any other man since the days of Washington. I hope that you, my friends, will pray that I may receive that assistance from on high, without which I cannot succeed, but with which success is certain.'

At the end, De Gasparin shouts to us from the heights of Switzerland, across the ocean, in words that embody the truest statesmanship, and the sublimest faith in a Divine government as administered over this world in the interest of righteousness: "Courage, Mr. Lincoln! The friends of freedom and of America are with you. Courage! You hold in your hands the destinies of a great principle and a great people. Courage! Your role, as you have said, may be inferior to no other, not even to that of Washington. To raise up the United States will not be less glorious than to have founded them." He saw clearer from a distance than many of us could here, but we had faith, if sight were clouded, and the event has justified all who refused to believe, that a free people would give up the work they had undertaken, and so far perfected, until it should be fully accomplished.

CHAPTER X.

THE SESSION OF THE LEGISLATURE, 1861.

The Outbreak of the War-Governor Buckingham's Prompt and Vigorous Support of the Government-His Pledge that no State Should Furnish More or Better Troops-His Correspondence with the War Department, and Sympathy with Their Embarrassments-His Remarkable Letter to the President and Recommendations in Regard to the Extra Session of Congress Just Called-His Just Estimate of the Conflict and Counsel to Make Greater Preparations for it-He Binds the Destinies of the State to Those of the General Government, and Pledges all Her Resources to Sustain the Latter-The President's Call for More Troops Based on the Application of the Loyal Governors-And he Gets Them--The Governor Recommends that the State Loan its Credit to the General Government, Which is Done to the Extent of Two Million of Dollars-Extra Session of Congress, July 4, 1861-Battle of Bull Run.

The election of state officers and members of the Legislature took place on the first Monday in April, and the Legislature was convened, and the Governor inaugurated, the first Wednesday in May. The Governor in his message treated as briefly as possible of state affairs, but dwelt at length upon the peril threatening the nation, and the duties of the state in such an emergency. This part of the message is

as follows:

"When the President of the United States made requisitions for troops to suppress combinations against laws, the Executive found himself without legal authority to obey the requisition. We had no enrollment as required by the laws of the general government, and the state had neglected to point out the mode of designating our quota of troops. Under these circumstances no alternative was left but to convene the General Assembly, or to appeal to the patriotism of the

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people for volunteers. The former course would have involved so much delay that I had no hesitation in adopting the latter.

"The threatened seizure of the city of Washington by men organized in armed rebellion; the authoritative announcement that the President of the revolted states was about to issue letters of marque against the citizens of loyal states; and the infuriated and murderous attack upon Massachusetts troops while passing through the city of Baltimore to the defence of the national capital, created an emergency which evidently called for prompt and energetic action. I therefore at once issued a call for a larger number of troops than was named in the requisition of the President. The response given from every section of the state, of offers of men as well as of money, showed that the fires of true patriotism were kindled in the hearts of the people, that they were fully aroused to a sense of the impending danger and determined to defend their liberties at every cost or at any hazard.

"I have already accepted the services of forty companies, am organizing them into regiments, appointing their regimental officers, and ordering the purchase of whatever appears to be requisite to guard our sons from hardships incidental to the life of a soldier, and to render them efficient in the service of their country. They were without uniforms and camp equipage, for which I have incurred large responsiblities. In doing this, I have received the hearty co-operation of our citizens, including ladies, who have labored with patriotic zeal to make clothing for the troops and to supply them with other necessaries.

"While communication with the national capital was interrupted, I despatched special messengers to the President and Secretary of War, for the purpose of giving information respecting the conditions of our troops, offering the services of the volunteers, as well as to receive such directions as were needful for efficient co-operation with the government.

"I have given orders for the troops to be in readiness to move, but have waited for instructions from the War Department before directing their march. It is manifestly far better for the cause that our troops remain as they are until their services are required at some point where they will occupy their true position in the general plan, rather than move without a definite object, when by so doing they will be in danger of embarrassing the government, and may fail of taking an active part in the conflict. Recent information from the War Department justifies this position.

"I ask your early attention to the course which I have pursued during this emergency, believing that any right or necessary act will receive your sanction."