before us, shot with a thread of fact to a shuttleful of falsehood. During the whole trial I did not once hear a censorius remark from him, or even a petulant exclamation. It was evident he was human, and that he felt. Occasionally, when the manifestations were especially spiteful, his countenance would wear that mingled expression of pain and resignation which art has so long and so vainly toiled to reproduce in some Ecce Homo; that look, half willing and half shrinking, which one fancies the shuddering Saviour wore as there broke from his lips the supplication: "If it be possible, let this cup pass from me. Nevertheless, not my will, but thine be done." But the poultice of a night relieved the suffering and each succeeding day restored him to his work, showing no more trace of scars from the inflictions of the yesterdays, than the sun bore which lighted him to his work.

Mr. President, I have long felt to regret that I never heard Jenny Lind sing, that I never saw Rachel act. They must have been marvelous specimens of art. Governor Buckingham was a grand piece of nature. I shall always regret that I could not have known him in domestic life. I am persuaded that was his masterpiece. I never saw him in the presence of a child. But I partly know what he was as a father. Once he spoke to me of a daughter, and no June morning ever suffused the eastern sky with a more genial radiance than that which broke over the face of the father, as he told me how good that daughter was.

Sir, I should wrong the memory of Governor Buckingham and grieve his truthful spirit-only his spirit is beyond the reach of grief-if I should neglect to bear testimony to one thing. There is in this unbelieving generation a loud, if not a large element, desperate, if not devilish, hoping nothing here and fearing nothing hereafter, which screams with derision of the Christian statesman. Standing by the grave of Governor Buckingham, I must not forget to tell the world that he was, what I have never dared pretend to be, a Christian statesman.*

* While we are giving the estimates of these Congressmen of one of their number, it may be of interest to know his estimate of his associates, certainly if he had anything like the good judgment and fairness attributed to him. It is well known to his friends, that he regarded public men in that position, as greatly misunderstood, misrepresented, and suspected of what does not belong to them as a class, however criminal individuals may be. He spoke more particularly of the Senate, as the body with which he was best acquainted, and testified to their high honor and scrupulousness in regard to legislation affecting their personal interests, and sensitiveness to the very suspicion of it. As he once said to the writer when visiting him in Washington and inquiring after his health: "Oh! I am well enough, but you know that when a man comes to Congress, and makes any money while he is here, he has had his hands in the public treasury. And if he has lost any, he has fallen into bad habits. This last is the case with me!"

Senator Morton of Indiana was an old friend of Senator Buckingham. They had both been governors all through the war, in frequent correspondence in respect to the course to be pursued, and in perfect sympathy as to the necessity of carrying on the war to the bitter end, in spite of all peace measures and compromises. In one respect they greatly differed in their lot. Governor Buckingham always had his State at his back, while Governor Morton had to struggle with a Democratic Legislature, and the popular majority was against him in supporting the national administration by the abolition of slavery. Yet he raised a great number of troops, and carried the State successfully through the war in the support of the government. grand old man he was, and though an invalid all through the war, and his senatorial life, no man did harder or better work for his country. His tribute to his friend was as follows:

A

I first met Governor Buckingham when he took his seat in this body on the 4th of March, 1869. I felt from the first that we were friends, and we were. He always expressed a deep interest in my health; his inquiries were always tender and almost from day to day. Though I had never met Governor Buckingham until that time, yet we had been in correspondence before under circumstances of a most solemn character. It was, I think, in the summer of 1862, a few weeks, perhaps a month, before the issue of the proclamation of emancipation by Mr. Lincoln, that I received a long letter from Governor Buckingham, in which he discussed the general situation of the country. It was at a gloomy period, when victory was not resting upon our arms. Toward the close of the letter he suggested the question whether the government was doing its duty in regard to the institution of slavery, and whether we could hope for ultimate victory while that institution was protected and preserved, but he expressed himself as uncertain as to whether the time had arrived when any step could be taken toward its destruction. He said he had had an interview or a letter, I forget which, but recently from Governor Andrew of Massachusetts, which had led him to write me on the subject. In replying, I agreed with him upon the main suggestion of his letter, expressing the same doubt, however, as to whether the time was ripe, whether public opinion was in that condition to authorize the President

of the United States to take the decisive step which he afterwards took.

During my intercourse with Governor Buckingham as a member of this body, he often talked to me about his experiences as Governor during the war. We often compared notes upon that subject. He evidently regarded his services as Governor of Connecticut during the war as the great event of his life, and on several occasions expressed his doubts as to whether it was wise or expedient for him to accept a seat in this body, and whether he ought not to have retired from public life when the war was over.

Just before the close of the last session, and before his departure, he came across to my seat where I was sitting, and said: "Well, we are about to separate. I hope we will meet next winter in better health." He said: "I am an old man, and feel that my race is nearly run." He said: "There are only three of us left who served as governor of our respective States throughout the entire war," referring to himself, Governor Curtin of Pennsylvania, and to myself. He said that Yates and Andrew were gone, and that we, notwithstanding our utmost hopes, must soon follow; and taking me by the hand, expressed the hope that we should meet the coming winter in better health. We parted to meet no more.

In the House of Representatives, also, similar tributes were paid to the Senator from Connecticut, by Messrs. Stark weather, Kellogg, Wilson of Iowa, Potter of New York, and General Hawley, who afterwards succeeded him in the Senate. Those especially of the Connecticut members are not only discriminating and heart-felt, but they are more at length in historic detail and illustrative facts, and justify what has been said by others. So that there is no great difficulty in telling what kind of a man "the War Governor of Connecticut" was, or what he did for the country, for the Union, and for freedom. It is evident what Connecticut thinks of him, when she puts the statue of Trumbull, her" War Governor of the Revolution," as her representative in the Capitol at Washington, and lets the statue of Buckingham, her "War Governor of the Rebellion," greet you when you enter her State Capitol at Hartford. means that they shall go down together in history, as her legacy to the country, to Republican government, and to humanity.

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CHAPTER XXXI.

PERSONAL TRAITS OF CHARACTER.

Governor Buckingham's Connection with Christian and Benevolent Associations-The First Triennial Congregational Council-His Ability as its Moderator-His Style of Writing and AddressPhotograph Copy of His Letter to the President in Transmitting their Paper on the "State of the Country."

Little more remains to complete the Memoir of Governor Buckingham, than to refer to his connection with the leading religious, educational, and philanthropic organizations of the times. With all such he was in sympathy, and with some actively concerned in their management, and among their most generous supporters.

He was a corporate member of the American Board of Commissioners of Foreign Missions, the oldest, we believe, of the American foreign missionary societies, and certainly one of the most efficient and successful in its work. Here he was a counselor, as well as generous contributor to their work, and one of those who, when the times were bad and the contributions of the churches falling short, could be called upon to make up such deficiencies. He was a special friend to missionaries, and with his high respect for their motives and self-denying labors, he could not do too much to make them enjoy their occasional visits to this country, and contribute to their comfort when they should have returned. He was also a friend and steadfast supporter of the American Home Missionary Society, whose object is to aid the feeble churches of the East, and plant new ones in the growing settlements of the West, and which has been

so successful in the work that, of all the Congregational churches there, probably the majority of them have been planted and nursed into self-support through its agency. The Western College and Education Society was another of those organizations of which he was president, adviser and supporter for years. This was a society to found and support Western colleges, and also to aid young men in their education for the ministry.

When the war was over, and the South was left with all her emancipated slaves, and with the rights of citizenship conferred upon them, it was natural that the North should pity and help her, as well as have some regard for the safety of the nation, with such an element given the right to vote. Then with a magnanimity that was noble, and a generosity that was superb, there came those Peabody, and Slater, and Hand endowment funds, for the education of the South, and that noble American Missionary Association, which undertook to look after both the educational and religious welfare, not only of the freedmen, but of the "mountain whites" of that section of the country, and which is meeting with such marked success. Of course Governor Buckingham appreciated it, and was for a number of years its honored president, giving it his wisest counsel and generous aid.

He was also well known as a good friend to the temperance cause. His father was the first in his native town to give up the use of ardent spirits in his family and upon his farm, and he himself entered upon his business life with such principles and habits. He had too much reflection not to see what mischief the drinking habit was causing, and how easily it could be prevented by total abstinence, and regard enough for others to make the little acrifice required to aid so good a cause. And the case with which he did it. in the various positions he occupied, and in the circles where he moved, as his Washington friends would