made public by their presentation to Congress, it is unnecessary that I should more particularly refer to them in this communication. The journal of the convention has not yet been completed, though a committee was appointed to superintend its publication. I shall transmit to your Excellency a copy when received, which will more particularly indicate the course of proceedings and the action of the Connecticut Commissioners in the various propositions submitted to the consideration of the convention. I have the honor to be, sir, with great consideration and respect, your Excellency's obedient servant, ROGER S. BALDWIN. His Excellency William A. Buckingham, Norwich. To the above the following reply was returned :— STATE OF CONNECTICUT, EXECUTIVE DEpartment. SIR: Your favor of the 4th inst. was duly received, by which you report the action of the Connecticut Commissioners on measures presented to their consideration before the Conference Convention recently held in Washington on the invitation of the Legislature of Virginia. In reply I would assure the commissioners that the course pursued by them to harmonize conflicting interests and adjust those questions which are alienating the people from each other, and from the general government, upon a just and permanent basis, and especially their efforts to secure the call of a general convention for the purpose of considering amendments to that instrument, meets the cordial approval of this department. I am, dear sir, yours with high consideration, WILLIAM A. BUCKINGHAM. Gov. Roger S. Baldwin, Chairman of Connecticut Commissioners. It only remains to be stated that the measures proposed by this peace convention when presented to the United States Senate found little favor there. Indeed, the severest criticism they received was from the Virginia senators, Messrs. Mason and Hunter, and upon the point most objected to by Judge McCurdy and the Connecticut delegation. They feared to attempt to put slavery under the protection of the "common law," and frankly admitted that it would make their position a worse one than under the Dred-Scott Decision of the Supreme Court. These propositions, we believe, never reached the House of Representatives, which were still less likely to consider them favorably, or if they did, they were left to sleep there forever by the new administration, and amid the anxieties of actual war, which neither these nor any other possible adjustment at that time could have prevented. All those peace measures at the time were simply mischievous. They only made the North put off preparations for a struggle that must come if the government was not to be overthrown. And they misled the South, and made her believe that the North, rather than lose her trade, and that the party in power, rather than lose her political support, would consent to any concessions and compromises, even the unlimited extension of slavery. It is hardly to be supposed that General Lee would ever have invaded Pennsylvania and fought the decisive battle of the war there, leaving the bulk of the Union army in his rear, had he not supposed that the South had too many political friends and business friends at the North to allow such a war to be carried on any longer. It was unfortunate for our cause that from the first, and so far into the war, so much of the commercial spirit, and of party spirit in politics, had been manifested at the North. All such considerations were early lost sight of at the South. It was certainly to be regretted that in the peace convention the two great States of Pennsylvania and New York were so divided in their delegations, and these States so often carried for the extreme demands of the South, though they were soon staunch enough and patriotic enough in support of the government. It is certainly to the credit of Connecticut that from the first she discerned the true issue, and that her delegation, her Legislature, and her governor were one in their determination to meet the crisis whatever it might be. CHAPTER VI. MR. LINCOLN INAUGURATED. His Speeches on the Journey to Washington, and the Light they Throw on His Character-The Plot to Kill Him on the Way-The Inauguration--Mr. Buchanan's Character. Such was the state of things when President Buchanan's administration was ending, and Mr. Lincoln was about to be inaugurated. Although there was so much disloyalty at the national capital, and such vindictive feeling in the border slave States-though none of them as yet had seceded it was hardly to be believed that any forcible resistance would be made to Mr. Lincoln's inauguration. To be sure it has been discovered since, that when Mr. Fremont was a candidate for the presidency, a plot was laid, had he been elected, to have Virginia seize the arms at Harper's Ferry and take possession of Washington, and prevent his ever entering upon that office. Still, as the time approached, rumors thickened, and trustworthy information: showed that such an attempt would be made now. Marshal Kennedy of New York, though born in a slave State, was a true man, who, before the war broke out, had his suspicions aroused by the purchase of so many arms for the South that he finally seized them and refused to give them up in spite of threats. He sent two sets of detectives to Baltimore, and finally went there himself, where he was at home and well acquainted with Marshal Kane, who frankly told him that Mr. Lincoln was not to be allowed to pass through the city, and how it was to be prevented. Only twelve men were to be put on guard for his protection there, when he should pass through the city, while 1,400 were to be detailed for that duty in New York. Mr. Felton, president of one of the railroads from Philadelphia to Baltimore, was also so impressed by the danger, that he employed Pinkerton and his detectives to find out the truth of the matter, which was reported to be this: That there were military organizations drilling along the road, pretending to be Union men, and offering their services to guard the road, but purposing to "burn the bridges, break up the road, and murder Mr. Lincoln on his way to Washington, if it turned out that he went there before troops were called out; but if the troops were first called out, then the bridges were to be destroyed, and Washington cut off and taken possession of by the South." General Scott also shared in these anxieties, so that he gathered in Washington, for the occasion, the few companies of United States troops at his command, and called out the volunteer companies of cavalry and riflemen of the district; the former to guard Mr. Lincoln's carriage, and the latter to be posted where they could watch the windows from which he might be fired upon as he passed; and when the time came he put himself personally in command, so that when asked why he "was not on the east portico to grace the ceremonial," replied that he "was where he belonged at such a time of danger." All this has been fully and carefully confirmed, as well as graphically narrated in its particulars in the late "History of Mr. Lincoln" by Messrs. Nicolay and Hay. The existence of such plots was proved at the time, so far as it could be proved by circumstantial evidence, while they were soon confirmed by the burning of the bridges and tearing up of the railroads at Baltimore, and all proved too true in the subsequent barbarities of the war and the final assassination of Mr. Lincoln. The manner in which Mr. Lincoln reached Washington, is an oft-told and thrilling story, but it sheds such light on the state of the times, and upon the character of this new and comparatively unknown man, to whom such great interests were to be entrusted at such a critical time, that it must be referred to. Mr. Lincoln, his family and suit, left his home in Springfield, Ill., for Washington, the 11th of February, to be a fortnight on their journey, and arrive there some ten days before the inauguration. He had received many invitations from governors and State legislatures, mayors and city governments, committees of towns and associations, tendering receptions without party distinction, and while obliged to decline many of them, like that from Massachusetts, for lack of time, he did visit the capitals of Indiana, Ohio, New York, New Jersey and Pennsylvania, besides Cincinnati, Cleveland, Pittsburg, Buffalo, New York and Philadelphia. At the capitals he was received by the legislatures, and replied to their addresses. In the large cities, like New York, the commercial capital of the country, and Philadelphia with its Independence hall, he was impressed by the great interests about to be committed to his charge, and stirred by motives. that had inspired others to great achievements who were as human as himself. In his addresses he had a hard task before him, especially for one who was characterized by frankness, and trained to logical argument rather than to felicitous and complimentary speech. He must address those who were politically opposed to him and had voted against him, as well as those of his own party. On the borders of a slave State, as at Cincinnati, he must speak to those who were born in the midst of slavery, and had sympathy with those who upheld it, while they bitterly hated such as were trying to extend the system. And then, under the circumstances, he was not at liberty to announce fully what his own policy and that of his administration was to be, which all the country was chiefly anxious to find out. He must listen till the last moment to every suggestion and criticism of both friends and foes, and then in his |