militaire on the Spanish side of the Pyrenees; but to do this it would require a force of forty or fifty thousand men spread over a line of eighty or ninety leagues, subject, as it would be, to attack at any weak point by the Carlists; and the government has no such spare force at its dis position. The various rumors of intervention may be resumed in the following forms, namely: 1. German ships to operate on the coast of Biscay and Guipúzcoa against the Carlists in the same manner as they operated a year ago in the waters of Carthagena and Malaga against the Cantonalists. 2. Intimations directed by Germany to France, suggesting the inconvenience of her leaving her frontiers open to the Carlists and suffering them to convert French territory into an arsenal for the prosecution of war, a place of security in which to concert plans of conspiracy, and a neutral road of communication between different parts of the peninsula, by means of which to change their points of attack or escape encounter with the troops of the government. 3. Invitation directed by Germany to other European powers, suggesting consideration of collective action in order to put a stop to the violation of the laws of war by the Carlists. 4. Consultation among the principal powers of Europe to the end of the speedy official recognition of the present Spanish government. 5. Measures adopted by the Portuguese government to prevent the continuance of Carlist conspiracies within or on the frontiers of Portugal. 6. Projects of discussion concerning the civil war and political situa tion of Spain, in the diplomatic congress now sitting at Brussels. 7. Agitation in France on the immediate question of taking steps for the due observance, at least, of neutrality between the Carlists and the Spanish government, and on the general subject of the relations, actual and contingent, between Germany and Spain. I will not venture to add any speculations on these points, contenting myself with calling your attention to the important bearing which the whole subject has on the future relations of Germany and France. I have, &c., No. 568. C. CUSHING. No. 69.] Mr. Cushing to Mr. Fish. UNITED STATES LEGATION, Madrid, August 6, 1874. (Received August 27.) SIR: I forward herewith original and translation of a circular, addressed by the minister of state to the diplomatic representatives of Spain in foreign countries, and published this day in the "Gaceta de Madrid." The opposition newspapers in Madrid, which are forbidden to publish military news, except such as may be derived from official sources, avenge themselves, for want of freedom in that respect, by incessant and not always candid criticism of the civil acts of the government. They cavil more or less at the tenor and language of this circular; but the most serious objection they present is in the omission of Mr. Ulloa to avail himself of the occasion, as he might have done, to show that the war in the northern and eastern provinces of Spain is the pivot of the ultramontane and absolutist intrigues, which now agitate so large a part of Europe, and which involve more especially the political condi tion of Germany, Italy, France, and Portugal, quite as much as that of Spain. I have, &c., C. CUSHING. [Inclosure.-Translation.] Circular of the minister of state. To the Spanish representatives abroad: SIR: The character of cruelty which the Carlist rebellion has assumed for some tim past, by acts, orders, and declarations of its principal chiefs, obliged the government to meditate profoundly in regard to the nature and extent of its duties in the difficult circumstances through which we are passing. The result of this meditation has been the rigorous dispositions published in the Gaceta of the 19th instant, in the preamble of which your excellency will find set forth the motives of justice and public welfare by which they were inspired. None of them, however, overstep the bounds of proper and legitimate defense, nor are opposed to the elevated sentiments of a noble and generous nation. Your excellency knows well, and Europe knows also, the unhappy and prolonged history of our civil war, reproduced five or six times in the period of forty years, as though unfortunate Spain were destined by fatality to pass periodically through a kind of bloody jubilee, by which she is consumed and ruined, detaining the progressive movement of her prosperity, which only asks for peace firmly assured to produce immense and beneficial results. These diverse civil wars have been concerted by fanaticism linked with ignorance, under the shelter of our liberal institutions, to be born and developed later in the sad protection of the misfortunes of the country; at one time taking advantage of the moment of our army being found occupied in a foreign land, as was the case in the traitorous attempt of San Carlos de la Rápita; at another, availing itself, as in 1873, of the anarchy which consumed us and of the terror which had taken possession of the entire society. What has perchance been forgotten by some, and it is convenient that it should constantly be kept in mind, is the absolute lack of reason and even of pretexts which Carlism now and ever has had, to place us in agitation and danger, to menace our political regimen after having unworthily used its benefits, and to dishonor us by the ferocity of its acts in the eyes of the world. That a permanent injustice, a law of races, inferiority of social condition, or other analogous causes, should incite the inhabitants of a territory to continual and never-extinguished rebellions, might be comprehended and explained. But can the sectaries of despotism allege these causes for rising in arms, when the very districts which are their cradle and center, without bearing any of the burdens, enjoy all the advantages of Spanish nationality? Or is it rather this exceptional position which, exaggerating their pride, induces them to look upon their fellow-citizens as pariahs? For there appears among us a singular, and what is more, a strange phenomenon. Here, it is the privileged party who rebels, and the party subjected to the common law who defends; here, the party who does not contribute, with person or fortune, to the maintenance of the state, is the one who angrily raises the black flag of a war unto death against him who constitutes the nerve and force of the nation, whose broad and generous flag gave, to both alike, peace at home, support abroad, security on the seas; here, in a word, a turbulent and blinded minority, disregarding their own interests, which are identified with peace, pretends nothing less than to impose upon us a depressive and humiliating system of government, which even they repel for themselves as incompatible with their immunities. Such are the ideas generating this insurrection, which can be resumed in these two words: ingratitude and absurdity. Defense of the religion which the entire Spanish people profess and revere, has served at times as a hypocritical pretext for rebellion, and is also to-day invoked by fanaticism with more apparent fervor than ever. erable recourse, certainly, when it is thus employed under a regimen of religious tolerance, as it was employed formerly, when the Catholic worship was alone permitted, and the exercise of any other had in the penal code a severe sanction! Besides, to speak of religion and of its sublime precepts, and to see many ministers of the altar place themselves at the head of bands which sack and assassinate; to speak of religion and sacrilegiously profane its rites amidst depredation and massacre; to speak Mis of religion and to seize upon it as an instrument with which to satisfy revengeful and sanguinary instincts, is a contradiction more repugnant than the cynical ostentation of an unbelief which audaciously suppresses all morality and conscience. Danger to the fueros has been at times the stimulus put in play to excite passions and to recruit partisans. This pretext would involve, at the present time, a notorions and scandalous falsehood, since neither Cortes nor governments have tonched a single one of those privileges which the nation had allowed as a pledge of concord, even in the most rigid epochs of revolutionary movement. How this magnanimous conduct has been responded to, and how the especial situation of some exempt provinces has been justified, is clearly told by the struggle in which we are engaged, with which, doubtless, these favored districts repay our scrupulous respect for the pact of Vergara. Even though the Carlist rebellion were not so unjustifiable in its origin, and so contrary to liberty and progress in its purposes, the iniquitous means resorted to would be sufficient to estrange from it the sympathies of all persons who cherish honorable sentiments, whatsoever be their political opinions. To demonstrate this we need not recur to party passion, nor to public rumor, nor to private news and correspondence. Draconian orders emanating from distinguished chiefs, manifestoes sent forth to Europe with inconceivable coolness to give notice of inhuman proceedings-horrible events which terror-stricken populations have witnessed-all concur to prove in an authentic and incontestable manner the truly savage character of the strife waged by those who call themselves sole defenders of the Christian religion. Our light forces fire a few cannon-shots to repel aggressions on the coast, or to prevent the landing of armaments, and the so-called commandant-general of Vizcaya imprisons children and women, declaring that for each projectile fired at the towns he will shoot one of his innocent hostages. The illustrious General Concha replies with a noble and humanitarian proclamation to the calumnious communication of the Carlist chief, and the latter decimates the prisoners of war, barbarously sacrifices a disarmed foreigner who in vain alleges his nationality and literary profession, and then announces (cruel sarcasm!) to the civilized nations that hereafter he will give quarter to none. The horrors of Cuenca exceed description. Burning and robbing of houses and public edifices, sick persons thrown from the windows, assassinations in the streets--such are the scenes of that frightful drama, which lasted two consecutive days. All things were outraged there, including the dignity of a virtuous prelate. And this took place in the presence of a lady, a young princess, who is accompanied, as her ordinary cortége, by desolation and death. After these unheard-of crimes, there still come to our ears, from various and credible sources, tidings of another which surpasses them. and of the infamy of which we would save even our most bitter enemies. It is said in letters and newspapers, with minute details, and something of which has been communicated officially, that a large number of our prisoners have been immolated without pity at Olot, where they were found in deposit before the entrance of our troops. The pen refuses to continue the narration of horrors of such magnitude, and there is not a Spanish heart but is oppressed with bitterness and shame in reflecting that their perpetrators are called Spaniards. And nevertheless I can assure your execlency that the picture is not overcharged; for exaggeration would be unbecoming in a government which respects itself when it makes certain accusations in official documents, nor have I proposed to myself to cite as example other than those events about which there is no room for the slightest rectification or doubt. Public opinion, represented by nearly all the authoritative journals of Europe, has energetically anathe matized them, drawing a parallel, just and honorable to us, between the dignited attitude of the army and the barbarity of the insurgents. Seldom has such unanimity of opinion been observed, as well in Germany as in England, France, Italy, Belgium, everywhere, which reveals at the same time a tribute rendered to truth, and a protest in the name of outraged humanity, a great elevation and extension of views toward making that which we defend the common cause of all. Frequently has Spain been the theater of rude combats of this kind, the consequences of which could not be confined within the perimeter of her frontiers, and foreign elements, influences, and protections have rendered themselves to her fields of battle. Comparison of the necessities and the immense expenses of the present war, with the resources of the country dominated by Carlism, would be an indecipherable enigma, unless we were to seek its solution in the support, exertions, and intrigues of parties in affinity with it, which more or less secretly, and under various disguises and denominations, strive. now within our own territory and to-morrow perchance in another, to do away with the conquests of modern civilization and to resuscitate absurd systems, which have only been able to obtain a spark of vitality and of hope by the rebound of demagogo excesses. To extinguish it entirely and forever are directed the efforts of the government and the sacrifices of the country, which has not placed in our hands dictatorship to ruin and exhaust it slowly, and which does not desire that, through ungratefully-received generosity, the evil which has been consuming us for half a century should fail to be thoroughly extirpated As your excellency will have observed, the measures to which I refer at the beginning of this letter, are those which necessity imposes in grave circumstances, having at the same time for object to restrain as far as possible the excesses of the rebellion, if their efficacy can accomplish so much. To take away, or, at least, to lessen the resources which party spirit furnishes to prolong and augment this fratricidal war; to exact a pecuniary responsibility in certain cases from those who have morally incurred it by their counsels and their incitements; to separate pernicious influences from the places where they prevail; to prohibit associations in which, under the shelter of expansive laws, hate, malevolence, anger, and all bad passions, have flourished in security, let loose to-day against the liberty of the country; to concentrate in the military authority governmental powers, as well to prevent disturbance of the public peace, as summarily and severely to punish it; such is the sum of the measures taken, and the tendency of those hereafter to be adopted, to suffocate in a brief period the absolutist insurrection. It is to be hoped that by these means, with the tried valor of our army, and with the manly impulse of the people which loves the institutions it has conquered, and which have been the most powerful cause of their advancement, we shall see the dangers overcome, and the fears dissipated, which are involved in a strife unworthy of our epoch and of our manners. Fanaticism and despotism leagued together can never prevail in the Spanish nation, nor is their triumph possible, even transiently, when for generation after generation we have been combating them with such fervor and constancy. They may, perhaps, succeed, owing to the special conditions of certain districts where they seem to be enfeoffed, in shedding more blood than has been profusely poured out already in a hundred battles; in accumulating more ruins upon those which already bear witness to the fury of our discords. They may, perchance, go on, remorselessly provoking the indignation of the entire world with their outrages and their violences, and lowering to the level of the most savage tribes the noble and traditional character of this unhappy nation. All in vain! To-day, as in 1839, and as in 1849, the result will be in favor of right against injustice, of liberty against tyranny, of ideas which elevate and improve mankind against those by which it is oppressed and brutalized. We shall endeavor, moreover, that the painful experience of the past shall not be lost to the future, practicing more caution and prevision than did our fathers. Fortunately, the opinion of Europe needs no rectification, being highly sympathetic with the principles which the government represents and maintains. But it appears to me appropriate for your excellency to bear in mind, in your official and unofficial conferences, the facts and observations thus set forth in order to define, in precise manner, the position which has been imposed upon us by the circumstances, and the true character of the war into which we have been so unjustly compelled. By order of the President of the executive power of the republic, I communicate this to your excellency for your information, reiterating, with this motive, the assurances of my most distinguished consideration. MADRID, July 29, 1874. No. 569. AUGUSTO ULLOA. No. 71.] Mr. Cushing to Mr. Fish. UNITED STATES LEGATION, Madrid, August 10, 1874. (Received August 31.) SIR: I transmit herewith, in translation, extracts from a preamble and regulations published by the ministry of war in the "Gaceta de Madrid” of the 9th instant. You will perceive by this that the government contemplates sending to Cuba a military re-enforcement of twelve thousand men, chiefly of the new levies. Most of the regulations regard matters of detail only, which would be of no interest to the Department, and they are therefore omitted. I have, &c., C. CUSHING. [Inclosure.] Extracts from preamble and regulations on the subject of re-enforcements for Cuba. [Translated from the "Gaceta de Madrid" of August 9, 1874.] MINISTRY OF WAR.-The country not only needs the concourse of all her sons to conclude the civil war which is causing so many and such transcendental evils in the peninsula, but it is also necessary to carry their co-operation to the island of Cuba, where another war no less sanguinary and cruel is desolating its fertile and rich settlements. The present captain-general has dictated and is carrying into execution most important measures to terminate at once the campaign and to restore the peace which that beautiful Antilla so much needs, to the end that it may develop the grand elements of wealth which it comprehends; but in order that those measures may be efficacious, and of immediate results, it becomes indispensable to carry there at once 12,000 men, who ought to embark in the briefest time. With the object, therefore, of collecting this number, the President of the executive power of the republic has been pleased to dictate the following rules: 1. As soon as the coming into quarters of the youths of the extraordinary reserve, decreed on the 18th of last month, begins, exploration shall be made among them, and before they are distributed in the battalions of their respective demarcations, as to the wish of those who desire to enlist to serve in the infantry corps of the island of Cuba. 3. The individuals who desire to enlist shall engage to serve in Cuba for the time that campaign shall last, and shall receive the bounty of 250 pesetas ($50) for each complete year they serve in the said Antilla; which sum shall be delivered to them at the termination of each year, or, if they prefer it, when they are adischarged. Besides, there shall be delivered to them at once; in the act of enrollment, other 250 pesetas, ($50;) and finally, there shall be given them 2 pesetas 50 centimos (50 cents) of daily pay, from the date of their ingress until that of their embarkation direct for Cuba. Said individuals may leave assigned to their families from 4 to 5 reals daily, (20 to 25 cents) which will be collected through means of the general treasury of ultramar, in accordauce with what has been heretofore practiced and is ordained in article 10 of the royal decree of October 2, 1872. 4. The war in that island terminated, an absolute discharge shall be given to the individuals of this enlistment who do not desire to re-enlist; they remaining free from the reserve service, even though they shall not have served the three years in activity prescribed in article 2 of the same royal decree. 12. Recruiting-lists also remain open in all recruiting-offices for discharged soldiers of the army and civilians who desire to enlist, whether they be subject or not to draft by the call for 125,000 men, with the understanding that those who are included in it, and shall be admitted for Cuba, shall provide substitutes should they be drafted in the quota of their respective towns; to which end the chiefs of each office will immediately communicate officially to the alcaldes of the same, with transmission of copy of their personal descriptions. The special recruiting-commissions will also admit individuals of both classes who present themselves to enlist if they possess the prescribed conditions; proceeding in the same manner as previously indicated in regard to civilians inscribed in the call referred to, who shall be drafted as soldiers. 13. Individuals discharged and civilians who may be admitted will have right to the same advantages prescribed in rule 3. 15 and last. Remain in force all other orders issued and which have governed in previous enlistments, as also those contained in the circular of October 31, 1872, and in the royal decree of the 2d of the same month and year, which will be applied and extended to the actual recruiting, except in such part as may be opposed to the rules dictated in the present provision. By order of the said President I communicate it to your excellency for your information and consequent effects. God guard your excellency many years. MADRID, August 7, 1874. COTONER. No. 570. No. 76.] Mr. Cushing to Mr. Fish. LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES, Madrid, August 14, 1874. (Received September 3.) SIR: I beg to be permitted, in the light of the action of the several European powers in the matter of the recognition of the present Span |