The general features of this Eclogue obviously resemble prophecies found in all the Sacred Books, and ancient poems, of the world; while others clearly imply the expected birth of some Roman child of regal rank; and the empress Scribonia was about to become a mother at the time it was written. But Constantine assumed that it predicted the advent of Christ, and the establishment of his kingdom upon earth. The return of the Virgin he supposed to be a prophetical allusion to the Virgin Mary. This idea was adopted by the Fathers of that age, and zealously propagated for centuries.

At that time a very hot controversy was raging between the partisans of Arius and Athanasius, concerning the persons of the Godhead. Constantine, or some mild and judicious bishop, who dictated his epistle, wrote to the contending parties, rebuking them for disturbing the unity of the church by agitating such unimportant questions. He advised them to copy the prudence and moderation of philosophers, who agreed to differ amicably upon abstruse questions, and never discussed them in presence of the ignorant multitude. He reminded them that as they all believed in the same God, and worshipped him after the same manner, they ought to meet in a friendly synod, and not fall into discord about exactness of expression concerning minute distinctions; that each should allow the other individual freedom, and agree to remain united in the common bonds of Christian brotherhood. He soon after issued a mandate summoning bishops from various parts of the empire to meet in council at Nice, in Bithynia, for the purpose of settling disputed questions. He himself met with them, dressed in imperial costume, and took an active part in the proceedings. "He exhorted the bishops not to lay the foundation of schisms, by mutual jealousies, lest they should give occasion to their enemies. to blaspheme the Christian religion. He reminded them that unbelievers would be most easily led to salvation if the condition of Christianity was made to appear in all respects enviable. Some might be drawn to the faith by

being seasonably supplied with the means of subsistence; others were accustomed to repair to that quarter where they found protection; others were won by an affable reception; others by being honoured with presents; few loved the exhibitions of religious doctrine; few were the real friends of truth. For this reason, they should accommodate themselves to the characters of all; as skilful physicians gave to each man what was likely to contribute to his cure." He acknowledged the supremacy of the ecclesiastical power, in all matters connected with the church, by taking a seat lower than the bishops. Eusebius even goes so far as to say that he waited for their permission to be seated. He invited them all to a sumptuous banquet at the palace, where they were received with the utmost deference, as representatives of the Deity. Eusebius, Bishop of Cæsarea, who was one of the guests, describing the scene, says: "One might easily imagine that he beheld a type of Christ's kingdom." Constantine declared that the decrees of this council ought to be regarded as the decisions of God himself; "since the Holy Spirit, residing in such great and worthy souls, unfolded to them the divine will." From this time, the coins and medals of the empire began to be stamped with the Standard of the Cross, bearing the monogram of Christ.

This complete revolution in the wheel of fortune elated some of the bishops beyond the bounds of moderation; and it could not have been otherwise, unless they had been more than human. In their gratitude for such complete security from persecution, and their joy at such rapid and unexpected advancement of power, they seem to have regarded Constantine as more than a mortal. But his faith in Christianity had been confirmed by external means, and it must be confessed that it was rather external in its character. Though he had pledged himself not to put to death Licinius, his sister's husband, he caused him to be executed about a year after he was defeated. The motives for this violation of his oath are variously assigned by his friends and enemies. Not far from the same time, and after he

had manifested so much interest in Christianity at the Council of Nice, he caused the young Licinius, his sister's son, to be put to death, from motives of political jealousy. Crispus, his own son, by his first wife, a young man of distinguished talent and bravery, was also suddenly executed, without public trial. Secret treason was the excuse given for this dark deed; but of that there was no proof. Some attributed it to the emperor's jealousy of his son's great popularity; others said it was domestic jealousy, the em press Fausta having accused her step-son of avowing a passion for her. Fausta herself disappeared soon after. The rumour went abroad that Helena, mother of Constantine, discovered that she had brought a false accusation against Crispus, in order to advance the interests of her own sons; and that the emperor had revenged himself by causing her to be suffocated in a hot bath. This last crime is doubted by some historians, who find traces of Fausta's existence some time after her alleged death. A veil of mystery was thrown over these transactions at the time, and the truth cannot now be discovered. It is, however, certain that they produced an effect on the public mind very unfavourable to Constantine. Of course, his own enemies, and the enemies of Christianity, were ready to utter sarcasms on the religion of a man who had put to death his brother-inlaw, his nephew, his son, and his wife, while making the greatest professions of piety. The populace of Rome betrayed signs of disapprobation; and some went so far as to fasten on the gates of the palace verses in which he was compared to Nero. These indications of unpopularity are supposed to have caused his determination to remove the seat of government to Byzantium; to which he gave a Greek name signifying the City of Constantine; in English, Constantinople. In the embellishment and consecration of this new Capital, there was the same intermixture of the new and the old, which had characterized the beginning of his reign. Statues of the gods were brought from all parts of the empire. Images of Castor and Pollux surmounted the Hippodrome. The Goddess of Fortune

was placed in a shrine on one side of the Forum; and on the other was Cybele, deprived of her symbolic lions, and in the attitude of a suppliant, as if praying for the public prosperity. When the city was consecrated, the emperor, accompanied by a vast procession, rode through the principal streets in a splendid chariot, carrying a golden statue of Fortune with a cross in her hand; and it was decreed that his own statue, thus holding the golden image, should be annually brought to the foot of the throne to receive homage from the reigning emperor. In one part of the city, a statue of Apollo stood on a column of three intertwisted serpents. Another, of colossal size, was placed on a tall column of marble and porphyry, with a globe and sceptre in its hands. The head of Constantine himself was substituted for that of the deity who had been regarded as the guardian of his youth. No new temples were erected, but the old ones remained open for worshippers. Some Christian churches were built, but he did not manifest so much zeal in the work, as at a later period of his reign. When Rome was a republic, she had dedicated temples to Faith, Modesty, and Peace. Constantine imitated the example, by dedicating one of his new churches to Sophia. [Wisdom], and another to Eirene [Peace]; names with which no fault could be found by the votaries of any religion. One of the most splendid was dedicated to the Archangel Michael.

A distinguished philosopher, named Sopater, who had been a disciple of Jamblichus, and afterward head of the same school, took up his residence in Constantinople, soon after it became the Capital. Some of the Christian bishops were the intimate friends of Constantine; and one of the most learned of the Fathers, named Lactantius, had been chosen to educate Crispus, his unfortunate son. The Platonist was soon admitted to equal intimacy; and it was said he cherished hopes of retarding, if not averting, the downfall of the old worship. Constantine delighted in his conversation, and on public occasions often caused him to sit by his side. This soon excited jealousy on the part of VOL. III.-2*

the Christian leaders, lest his influence should be successfully exerted over the emperor, if not decidedly in favour of the old religion, at least in favour of an eclectic impartiality between the old and the new. Constantinople depended on foreign countries for grain, and it chanced that adverse winds long detained the Alexandrian ships, on which reliance was placed for a supply. Theurgy was at that time much practised by the degenerated school of philosophers; and a murmur arose among the populace that Sopater chained the winds by magical arts. Famine threatened the city, and it was a favourable opportunity to exag gerate any report to his disadvantage. The favourite be came so odious, that when the emperor entered the theatre, the people received him without their usual acclamations. Whether he believed that magic had power over the winds, or whether alarm for his own popularity induced him to sacrifice a friend, is unknown. History merely records that the unfortunate Platonist was forthwith beheaded.

The fluctuating course pursued by Constantine gave rise to doubts concerning the depth and earnestness of his convictions, of which votaries of the old worship were exceedingly ready to avail themselves. It was currently believed and reported by them that remorse for the hasty murder of his innocent son was what finally settled the question in his mind. In his affliction, they said he began to lean toward the religion of his youth; but when he consulted the priests, they told him the gods had prescribed no rites by which such a crime could be expiated. Others said he sought the same relief from Sopater; but the doctrines of Platonism offered no atonement for the guilty. But Christians, they said, assured him that the blood of Christ was sufficient to wash away all sin; and that however criminal he might have been, faith in its efficacy would secure to him an immortal crown.

Little is known concerning Helena, the mother of Constantine. Some say she influenced him in favour of Christianity, others that he was the cause of her conversion. However that might be, her zeal in the cause became very