crable murder, were most revolutionary measures. It has been the art of the ruling faction of the presen hour to compound and to consolidate the substance of all these dreadful transactions in one mass; to concentrate all their noxious principles; and by a new process to extract from them a spirit, which combines the malignity of each with the violence of all; and that is the true spirit of a revolutionary govern

ment.

Some of the general principles and fundamental maxims maintained by the founders of this government are so curious, that it is impossible to pass them over in silence. They represent, that in a revolutionary state, civil liberty, (including the personal freedom, the interests, and the happiness of individuals) is but a secondary object, the principal end of such a government being (what they call) publick liberty, which, according to their definition, does not consist in the personal freedom of individuals, but in the unrestrained and arbitrary exercise of the supreme executive power. They assert that under the existing circumstances liberty must be considered to be in a state of war, not with foreign powers merely, but with her numerous enemies in the bosom of the republick. It follows as a consequence of this principle, that those who act under the commission of liberty may for her sake imprison, plunder, and destroy by the sword the inhabitants of France, according to the rights of war as exercised by belligerent powers in an enemy's country. This abstract idea of liberty at war with the properties, the lives, and the personal freedom of the people, however incomprehensible to a nation accustomed to feel the practical and substantial advantages of a free constitution, is the favourite doctrine of Robespierre, to which the convention has subscribed with the warmest zeal. Connected with this is the main and leading maxim upon which their whole system turns. It is expressed in terms which, although originally derived from the proceedings of this house, will appear to you, sir, somewhat singular in their application. It is, "that terrour should be the order of the day;" and that, (for the purpose of enforcing a general observance of this order) "the salutary movement of terrour should be circulated from one extremity of the republick to the other, by means of a rapid execution of the revolutionary laws." Here then you perceive that terrour is not only the avowed instrument, but the sole end of what in this new system is called by the name of law. The government openly renounces the antiquated errour of founding itself in the affections, the interests, and the happiness of the people, and publickly declares with a boldness unparalleled in the history of usurpation, that it neither possesses, nor expects, nor desires any other security for the maintenance of its power than abject fear, and general consternation.

To diffuse this consternation as widely as possible, and to remove every obstacle to the rapid circulation of that sentiment which was so essentially necessary to the vigour and action of the administration, an operation was performed, which may be considered as, the preliminary step to the general introduction of the whole plan. In open violation of the principles solemnly sanctioned in the constitution, whereby the absolute choice of the municipal officers is reserved to the people, commissioners were sent into every city, town, and village of France, to regenerate the municipalities; that is, to substitute in the place of municipal officers, chosen by the inhabitants under their forms of election, other officers named according to the sole and arbitrary will of these commissioners.

But even this was not sufficient. The right of assembling in popular societies, which had been deemed of such importance as to hold a place in that part of the constitution which is entitled the guarantee of the rights of man, being found inconvenient in a revolutionary state, was also set aside without scruple; and the same commissioners had orders to regenerate all the popular societies. This work of regeneration was performed differently according to the exigency of the particular case. In some places the obnoxious persons were imprisoned; in others they were executed; and

in all they were replaced, as I have already stated, by persons named at the discretion of the commissioners. In many instances however the aversion to the new tyranny was found so obstinate and incurable, that the commissioners were actually obliged to send to Paris for good sans culottes warranted by the Jacobin club, and to appoint them to fill the municipal offices and the popular societies. The extract which I shall now read from a letter of one of these commissioners, will give a summary view of this extraordinary stretch of arbitrary power, and of the principles with which it was connected. "Herault Sechelles, in a letter dated Plotzheim, November the 27th, gave an account of his measures for restoring the republican spirit in the department of the Upper Rhine. He had regenerated the popular societies and committees; organized the movement of terrour; created a central committee of revolutionary activity; detached a revolutionary force from the army to traverse the whole department; erected a revolutionary tribunal; and was preparing a feast, and celebration of reason, a remarkable conquest in that part of the country over profound ignorance and inveterate fanaticism." Thus, sir, was erected a government, which in its form, in its avowed principles, and in its general spirit is not only incompatible with the existence of all just and rational liberty, but directly contradictory to all those opinions which have been so industriously inculcated in France, and to every doctrine which has been (to use their own phrase) consecrated in either the new or the old version of the rights of man. Thus was established, and thus is now exercised a government, which is, in the strictest sense of the words, the most atrocious and the most degrading tyranny that has ever trampled on the liberties, and sported with the happiness of a great nation.

If this description seems to be exaggerated, look at the practice, look at the details of this government! View its operation and effect upon all those means, by which the great ends of civil society are to be accomplished!

Inquire from what sources and through what channels it draws the publick revenue? how it affects the systems of agriculture and commerce? with what attention to the internal prosperity of the country it levies and maintains the publick force? what provision it makes for the pure and equal administration of justice? how it regards religion, that great basis of every moral and civil duty? and as the result of all these considerations, what is the real condition of all the inhabitants of France, with respect to the security of liberty, of property, and of life? and consequently, what must be the disposition and temper of the people? what the permanent strength of the state under all its actual circumstances? and what the stability of that power, which now menaces, and holds at defiance the united force of Europe?

At the accession of the revolutionary government, the expenditure of France stood, as far as can be gathered from an account of three months at the end of the year 1792, at the enormous rate of twelve millions sterling per month. The resources of the country had already been greatly injured by former mismanagement; agriculture and internal trade had already suffered by the first attempts towards the establishment of that gigantick system of military force, which has since been carried to such an excess; foreign commerce had already much declined; and both publick and private credit had been greatly embarrassed by the quantity of assignats in circulation; an evil of such magnitude, that even as early as the month of November, 1792, the plunder of the Netherlands was proposed by the minister of finance, as the only remedy, which could avert the impending danger.

Since the revolution of the 31st of May the expenditure has been so much increased, that according even to the accounts laid before the convention itself, the expense of the month of August was above eighteen millions sterling; and there is reason to believe that the real charges of the succeeding months may have exceeded that sum. But as the levée en masse, or

compulsory levy of the mass of the people took place about that time, by which it is stated that five hundred thousand additional men have been raised, the maintenance of so vast an army must be such an increased charge, as seems to justify the supposition that eighteen millions sterling may be taken as the average of the present monthly expenditure of the revolutionary government. This would make an annual expenditure of two hundred and sixteen millions sterling: a sum which nearly approaches to the amount of the whole national debt of England.*

The total ordinary revenue of France before the war was stated to be about 600 millions, or about 25 millions sterling, arising from duties on imports, taxes upon real and personal property, stamp duties, and duties on registry of deeds, bills of exchange, notes of hand, &c.

The total collective income of all the individuals in France is stated in the financial reports of the present government to be one hundred and twenty millions sterling, of which one third is said to arise from commerce: so that if the account here given be correct (and there is every reason to credit it) it appears that the annual expenditure of the government of France at present exceeds the total collective income of the individuals of the country by the enormous sum of 96 millions sterling; or, in other words, that there is

* The deficiency between the total receipt of revenue, ordinary and extraordinary, and the total expenditure of France, according to the monthly accounts was, in French livres.

This makes the deficiency for a year, upon a computation drawn from 6 months, from April to September, at the exchange of 30, or 10d. English per French livre, about 166,640,0001. sterling.