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which the Italians call Puteoli, I became acquainted with Aliturius, an actor of plays, and much beloved by Nero, but a Jew by birth; and through his interest, became known to Poppea, Caesar's wife, and took care, as soon as possible, to entreat her to procure that the priests might be set at liberty. And when, besides this favour, I had obtained many: presents from Poppea, I returned home again.
4. And now I perceived innovations were already begun, and that there were a great many very much elevated in hopes of a revolt from the Romans. I therefore endeavoured to put a stop to these tumultuous persons, and persuaded them to change their minds; and laid before their eyes, against whom it was that they were going to fight, and told them, that they were inferior to the Romans not only in martial skill, but also in good fortune; and desired them not. rashly, and after a most foolish manner, to bring on the dangers of the most terrible mischiefs upon their country, upon their families, and upon themselves. And this I said witb vehement exhortations, because I foresaw, that the end of such a war would be most unfortunate to us. But I could not persuade them ; for the madness of desperate men was quite too hard for me.
5. I was then afraid, lest, by inculcating these things so often, I should incur their hatred and their suspicions, as if I were of our enemies party, and should run into the danger of being seized by them, and slain ; since they were already possessed of Antonia, which was the citadel; so I re-, tired into the inner court of the temple. Yet did I go out of the temple again, after Manahem and the principal of the band of robbers were put to death, when I abode among the high-priests and the chief of the Pharisees. But no small fear seized upon us when we saw the people in arms, while we ourselves knew not what we should do, and were not able to restrain the seditious. However, as the danger was directly upon us, we pretended that we were of the same opinion with them, but only advised them to be quiet for the present, and to let the enemy go away, still hoping, that Gessius (Florus] would not be tong ere he came, and that with great forces, and so put an end to these seditious proceedings.
6. But, upon his coming and fighting, he was beaten, and a great many of those that were with him fell. And this disgrace which Gessius (with Cestius) received, became the
calamity of our whole nation ; for those that were 'fond of the war were so far elevated with this success, that they had hopes of finally conquering the Romans. Of which war another occasion was ministered, which was this : those that dwelt in the neighbouring cities of Syria seized upon such Jews as dwelt among them, with their wives and children, and slew them, when they had not the least occasion of complaint against them; for they did neither attempt any inno. vation or revolt from the Romans, nor had they given any marks of hatred or treacherous designs towards the Syrians. But what was done by the inhabitants of Scythopolis was the most impious and most highly criminal of all;* for, when the Jews, their enemies, came upon them from without, they forced the Jews that were among them to bear arms against their own countrymen, which it is unlawful for us to do ;t and when, by their assistance, they had joined battle with those who attacked them, and had beaten them, after that victory they got the assurances they had given these their fellow-citizens and confederates, and slew them all, being in number many ten thousands, (13,000.] The like miseries were undergone by those Jews that were the inhabitants of Damascus. But we have given a more accurate account of these things in the books of the Jewish war. I only mention them now, because I would demonstrate to my readers, that the Jews' war with the Romans, was not voluntary, but that, for the main, they were forced by necessity to enter into it.
7. So when Gessius had been beaten, as we have said ale ready, the principal men of Jerusalem, seeing that the robu bers and innovators had arms in great plenty, and fearing lest they, while they were unprovided of arms, should be in subjection to their enemies, which also came to be the case afterward; and being informed that all Galilee had not yet revolted from the Romans, but that some part of it was still quiet, they sent me and two others of the priests, who were men of excellent characters, Joazar and Judas, in or
* See Of the War, B. ij. ch. xvii. $ 3.
+ The Jews might collect this unlawfiilness of lighting against their brethren, from that law of Moses, 'Levit. xix. 16. Thou shalt not stand against the blood of thy neighbour; and that, ver 17. Thou shall not avenge, nor bear any grudge against the children of thy peco ple; but thou shalt love thy neighbour as thyself ; as well as from man ny ot er places in the Pentateuch and prophets. Sec Antiq. B. vül ch. viii. 82.
IL der to persuade the ill men there to lay down their arms, and to teach them this lesson, that it were better to have those arms reserved for the most courageous men that the pation had, (than to be kept there ;] for that it had been resolved, that those our best men should always have their arms ready against futurity, but still so that they should wait to see what the Romans would do.
8. When I had, therefore, received these instructions, I came into Galilee, and found the people of Sepphoris in ne small agony about their country, by reason that the Galileans had resolved to plunder it, on account of the friendship they had with the Romans, and because they had given their right hand, and made a league with Cestius Gallus, the president of Syria. But I delivered thein all out of the fear they were in, and persuaded the multitude to deal kindly with them, and permitted them to send to those that were their own hostages with Gessius to Dora, which is a city of Phænicia, as often as they pleased; though I still found the inhabitants of Tiberias ready to take arms, and that on the occasion following:
9. There were three factions in this city. The first was composed of men of worth and gravity; of these Julius Capellus was the head. Now he, as well as all his companions, Herod, the son of Miarus; and Herod, the son of Gamalus; and Compsus, the son of Compsus; (for as to Compsus's brother Crispus, who had once been governor of the city under the great king* [Agrippa, he was beyond Jordan, in his own possessions ;) all these persons before-named gave their advice, that the city should then continue in their allegiance to the Romans, and to the king. But Pistus, who was guided by his son, Justus, did not acquiesce in that resolution ; otherwise he was himself naturally of a good and virtuous character. But the second faction was composed of the most ignoble persons, and was determined for war. But aş for Justus, the son of Pistus, who was the head of the third faction, although he pretended to be doubtful about going to war, yet was he really desirous of innovation, as supposing, that he should gain power to himself by the change of affairs. He, therefore, came into the midst of them, and endeavoured to inform the multitude, that "the city Ti
* That this Herod Agrippa, the father, was of old called a Great king, as here appears by his coins still remaining: to which Havercamp refers us.
berias had ever been a city of Galilee; and that in the days of Herod the tetrarch, who had built it, it had obtained the principal place, and that he had ordered that the city Sepphoris should be subordinate to the city Tiberias; that they had not lost this pre-eminence even under Agrippa the father, but had retained it until Felix was procurator of Judea. But he told them, that now they had been so un'fortunaté as to be made a present by Nero'to Agrippa, junior; and that, upon Sepphoris's submission of itself to the Romans, that was become the capital city of Galilee, and that the royal treasury and the archives were now removed from them.” When he had spoken these things, and a great many more against king Agrippa, in order to provoke the people to a revolt, he added, that “this was the time for them to take arms, and join with the Galileans as their confederates, (whom they might command, and who would not willingly assist them, out of the hatred they bare to the people of Sepphoris, (because they preserved their fidelity to the Romans,) and to gather a great number of forces, in order to punish them.” And, as he said this, he exhorted the multitude sto go to war ;] for his abilities lay in making barangues to the people, and in being too hard in his speeches for such as opposed him, though they advised what was more to their advantage, and this by his craftiness and his fallacies; for he was not unskilful in the learning of the Greeks, and in dependence on that skill it was, that he un dertook to write an history of these affairs, as aiming, by this way of haranguing, to disguise the truth. But as to this man, and how ill were his character and conduct of lise, and how he and his brother were, in great measure, the authors of our destruction, I shall give the reader an account in the progress of my narration. So when Justus had, by his persuasions, prevailed with the citizens of Tiberias to take arms; nay, and had forced a great many so to do against their wills, he went out, and set the villages that be longed to Gadara and Hippos on fire; which villages were situated on the borders of Tiberias, and of the region of Scythopolis.
10. And this was the state Tiberias was now in. But as for Gischala, its affairs were thus: when John, the son of Levi, saw some of the citizens much elevated upon their revolt from the Romans, he laboured to restrain them, and entreated them, that they would keep their allegiance to
them. But he could not gain his purpose, although he did his endeavours to the utmost; for the neighbouring people of Gadara, and Gabara, and Sogana, with the Tyrians, got together a great army, and fell upon Gischala, and took Gischala by force, and set it on fire ; and when they had entirely demolished it, they returned home. Upon which John was so enraged, that he armed all his men, and joined battle with the people forementioned, and rebuilt Gischala after a manner better than before, and fortified it with walls for its future security.
11. But Gampala persevered in its allegiance to the Romans for the reasons following: Philip, the son of Jacimus, who was their governor under king Agrippa, had been unexpectedly preserved when the royal palace at Jerusalem had been besieged; but, as he fled away, had fallen into another danger, and that was of being killed by Manahem, and the robbers that were with him ; but certain Babylonians, who were of his kindred, and were then in Jerusalem, hindered the robbers from executing their design. So Philip staid there four days, and fled away on the fifth, having disguised himself with fictitious hair, that he might not be discovered; and when he was come to one of the villages to him belonging, but one that was situated at the borders of the citadel of Gamala, he sent to some of those that were under him, and commanded them to come to him. But God himself hindered that his intention, and this for his own ad
vantage also ; for, had it not so happened, he had certainly El perished. For, a fever having seized upon him immediate
ly, he wrote letters to Agrippa and Berenice, and gave them to one of his freed-men to carry them to Varus, who at this
time was procurator of the kingdom, which the king and his s sister had intrusted to him withall, while they were gone
to Berytus with an intention of meeting Gessius. When Varus had received these letters of Philip, and had learned that he was preserved, he was very uneasy at it, as supposing that he should appear useless to the king and his sister, now Philip was come. He, therefore, produced the carrier of the letters before the multitude, and accused him of forging the same; and said, that he spake falsely when he related that Philip was at Jerusalemn, fighting among the Jews against the Romans. So he slew him. And when this freed
man of Philip did not return again, Philip was doubtful what e should be the occasion of his stay, and sent a second mes