POLITICAL PORTRAITS WITH PEN AND PENCIL.

NO. XIII.

(With a Portrait engraved on Sleel.)

WILLIAM LEGGETT.

Towards the close of the last month a profound impression was produced on the public mind by the untimely death of William Leggett, almost at the very moment of his appointment to a diplomatic situation in a foreign country, where his friends had fondly hoped that the influence of a genial climate might have had the effect of long preserving an invaluable life for his country-a life that had too surely become endangered by a self-martyring advocacy of the universal, practical, application of the broad uncorrupted principles of Democracy in every measure of legislation, the most ardent, the most unflinching, the most able, and the most successful, ever pursued by a journalist in our country.

The following biographical sketch, though it will be perused with heightened interest since the melancholy occurrence of his death, has not been occasioned by that sad event, but had, in fact, been prepared as the highest tribute in our power to the integrity and genius which, in his case, had been so signally exerted in the promotion of the great principles of political economy embraced in the creed of American Democracy; and it has been for some time awaiting only the opportunity of obtaining from the artist a satisfactory portrait of its subject, with the "pencil" as well as the "pen," to appear in this series of "Political Portraits." The subjects of the former numbers of the series have in general been selected from the individuals elevated, by a long course of distinguished public service, to such conspicuous official eminence, as served, at the same time, naturally to attract the public interest to their personal biographical sketches-especially of the party of which their position has proved them to be the recognized chiefs and favorites-and so far to identify them with the history of principles and of parties, as to add a more general value to the narratives of their lives, than the mere private interest of individual biography. In the case of Mr. Leggett, although unknown to the country at large by any such official passport to distinction,—his name probably being unfamiliar to most of our readers in sections of the Union remote from that which has been the scene of his public life-yet the latter title to eminence, namely, an intimate and interesting connection with the history of principles and parties, Mr. Leggett's name possesses in a degree equalled perhaps by no other that could be selected at the present time. This narrative of his life-more brief and general in its outline than, in common VOL. VI. NO. XIX.—JULY, 1839. B

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with his numerous friends, we could have desired—is from the intimate friend, well competent to estimate rightly the rare worth, moral and intellectual, of such a character, and is now published with the slight alteration of phraseology rendered necessary by his death.

The subject of this memoir, as a journalist, was one who did much to exalt the character of the profession he had chosen. During a brief and brilliant career, Mr. Leggett, as the editor of a daily print, acquired a strong hold on the minds of men, gave a direction to their discussions and opinions, and won a reputation such as few are permitted to enjoy.

The class of men who figure in this country as the conductors of newspapers, are not, for the most part, in high esteem with the community. It is true that they are courted by some and dreaded by others,courted by those who are fond of praise, and dreaded by those who are sensitive to animadversion,-courted by those who would use them as the instruments of their own purposes, and dreaded by those whose plans may suffer from their opposition; but, after all, the general feeling with which the men of this vocation are regarded, is by no means favorable. Contempt is too harsh a name for it, perhaps, but it is far below respect. Nor does this arise so much from the insincerity or the frivolousness of their commendation or their dispraise, in the thousand opinions they express in matters of art, science, or taste, concerning all which the writers of the newspaper press are expected to say something, and concerning many of which they cannot know much,-as from the fact, that, professing as they do one of the noblest of sciences, that of politics-in other words, the science of legislation and government-they, too, often profess it in a narrow, ignorant, and ignoble spirit. Every journalist is a politician, of course; but in how many instances does he aspire to no higher office than that of an ingenious and dexterous partisan! He does not look at political doctrines and public measures in a large and comprehensive point of view, weighing impartially their ultimate good or evil, but addicts himself to considerations of temporary expediency. He inquires, not what is right, just, and true, at all times, but what petty shift will serve his present purpose. He makes politics an art rather than a science a matter of finesse rather than of philosophy. He inflames prejudices which he knows to be groundless, because he thinks them convenient. He detracts from the personal merits of men whom he knows to be most worthy. He condemns in the other party what he is ready to allow in his own. In short, he considers his party as a set of men who are to be kept in office if they are already in, or placed in office if they are not, instead of making it to consist in the support of certain doctrines and measures which are to be recommended to the people by reason and argument, by showing their beneficial effects, and the evils of opposite doctrines and different measures. We do not, by any means, intend to that all the class of newspaper editors answer the description we have

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given, but we think it cannot be doubted that the resemblance which so many of them bear to it is the cause of the comparative disrespect into which their profession has fallen.

Yet the vocation of a newspaper editor is a useful, an indispensable, and, if rightly exercised, a noble vocation. It possesses this essential element of dignity, that they who are engaged in it are occupied with questions of the highest importance to the happiness of mankind. We cannot see, for our part, why it should not attract men of the finest talents and the most exalted virtue. Why should not the discussions of the daily press demand as strong reasoning powers, as large and comprehensive ideas, as profound an acquaintance with the principles of legislation and government, an eloquence as commanding, and a style of argument as manly and elevated, as the debates of the Senate of our Republic? It is the province of the press to act as a check upon the political leader. It is the duty of the journalist to assist in forming and propagating the opinions by which the political leader must submit to be tried; he is one of the speakers of that great constituency to which the public agent is responsible. Instead of following the chief of a party he should walk by his side.

It is because they neglect the philosophy of politics, because they forsake the true for the plausible, that so many persons of fine endowments disappoint the expectations that are formed of them when they become conductors of the newspaper press. Their profession, with its multifarious topics, tempts them to a sort of dissipation of their intellectual strength. They find it easier to assume a position to be true, and to show some ingenuity in speciously defending it, than honestly to investigate its truth. It is easier, they find, to carry on the warfare of personal politics than that of political principles; it is easier to call names than to argue; it is easier to declaim than to think, and sometimes, for the moment, seems to answer the purpose nearly as well.

The secret of Mr. Leggett's reputation lies in his having slighted these temptations, and addressed himself strenuously to the true duties of a political editor. He boldly and invariably brought public measures to a rigid comparison with first principles. He scouted the specious doctrine of expediency, which leads to so many abuses, and sanctions so many departures from a consistent and conscientious course of conduct. He would not tolerate any of the pretexts by which the timid and selfish excuse themselves from carrying an admitted principle into practice. He inquired only what was true, and what was right; what was true he held should be declared without reservation, and what was right should be done, without regard to consequences.

Besides their sincerity and directness, his political discussions were recommended by other qualities. Mr. Leggett possessed many fortunate endowments for controversy,-vigorous reasoning faculties, a clear perception of the dependencies and connections of his argument, a perspicuous and forcible style, great fertility of illustration, an extreme tenacity

of purpose, and an ardor of mind, never chilled, but rather kindled, by the most formidable opposition. An earnest and manly eloquence gave an interest to every thing he wrote. The reader found himself seized and carried forward by something of the same warlike enthusiasm which courageous and high-spirited men may be supposed to feel in the heat of battle.

William Leggett was born in the city of New York, where his parents yet live, in a green and venerable old age. After passing through a course of preliminary studies, he was sent, while yet very young, to Georgetown College, in the District of Columbia. During his stay at this institution he mastered the prescribed studies with such ease that they seemed rather a pastime than a task. He did not, however, remain long enough to take a degree; his father meeting with ill success in business, and finding himself no longer able to defray the expenses of a college education for his son, he was withdrawn. In 1819 he accompanied his father and the rest of the family to the State of Illinois, of which they were among the early settlers. In the fertile and beautiful region between the Mississippi and the Wabash, the rich prairies of which were then first turned by the plough,—among emigrants from Kentucky and Western Virginia, he gathered that knowledge of western life and manners, of which he afterwards made so good a use in his story of "The Rifle."

In 1822 he returned to the Atlantic States, having been appointed a midshipman in the United States Navy. He was constitutionally fond of adventure, and fearless of danger, and it may naturally be supposed that the life on which he now entered was well suited to his temperament and disposition. It was his misfortune, however, to serve under a commander of harsh temper and imperious manners, who was accustomed to give capricious orders for the mere pleasure of seeing himself obeyed, and who, observing signs of impatience at his behaviour in the young midshipman, delighted in tormenting him with those severities which the discipline of a vessel of war permits; nor does it appear that he even confined himself within that limit. The arbitrary and cruel conduct of this commander led to Mr. Leggett's retirement from the navy in 1826, under circumstances, however, which reflected upon him no dishonor.

The vexations to which he was subjected during the period that he was in the naval service, undoubtedly had great influence on his future character. There are some minds which despotism crushes and breaks; stronger natures find in it a discipline from which they gain new hardihood and energy. The oppressions suffered by Schiller from the Duke of Wurtemburg exalted his dislike of tyranny and his love of freedom to the fierceness of a passion. The hatred which Mr. Leggett has shown to tyranny, in all its forms, was rendered the more intense by his having tasted its bitterness.

While Mr. Leggett was in the navy he amused himself with occasion

ally writing verses. These he collected shortly after he left the service and published in a volume entitled "Leisure Hours at Sea." They are the experiments of a very young man, possessed of vigorous intellectual faculties, but who had not yet discovered the province in which they might be exerted to most effect. They contain, however, a few pieces of much beauty, some of which, preserved in selections, and republished, from time to time, in miscellanies of light literature, are still read and admired. About this time he wrote for the Atlantic Souvenir, one of the ornamental annuals which has since become so numerous, the tale, already-mentioned, entitled "The Rifle," which attracted much attention on account of the spirit and truth of its sketches of the manners and dialect of the western settlements. The success of this tale led to the publication of others, which, though evidently dashed off in haste, showed so much ingenuity in the construction of the narrative, so much observation of life and character, and so much power of representing actions and events vividly to the imagination, as to leave no doubt of the eminence he might have attained as a novelist, had he chosen to addict himself to the composition of fictitious narrative. Some of his tales were sea stories, and these perhaps are the most favorable specimens of his powers. They were collected and published with the title of "Tales by a Country Schoolmaster."

In 1828 he married, and in November of the same year established, in the city of New York, a weekly literary periodical, entitled "The Critic," which, at the end of six months, was discontinued. In this work, the reviews, the notices of the drama and the arts, the essays, the tales, the biographical sketches,-all the contents, in short, with the exception of half a dozen pages of verse,—were written by himself, an extraordinary instance of literary industry and fertility. In this work, too, might be perceived the dawnings of that fervid and eloquent style of discussion which afterwards, transferred to subjects in which he took a deeper interest, was wielded with such vast power and effect.

Two or three months after the discontinuance of "The Critic," Mr. Leggett, in the summer of the year 1829, became one of the editors of the Evening Post. That journal was then contending for the freedom of trade in our intercourse with foreign nations, and assailing the protective system, or as it was called, the American System, with arguments, the force of which is now generally acknowledged. In this discussion Mr. Leggett soon engaged with much zeal, as well as in the question of internal improvements, in regard to which the Evening Post took the side of a rigid construction of the powers granted by the Constitution to the Federal Government. Finally arose the great question of renewing the charter of the Bank of the United States. In the tug for life which that powerful institution, year after year, maintained with the Administration of the Federal Government, the Evening Post was its active and sleepless enemy; and when the orators and presses of the Whig party, in alliance with the bank, had succeeded in raising a groundless panic, a blind