with international questions, so important to the English journalist. Being thus one-sided purveyors of sensational news, and ignoring the larger questions, the papers have very little influence and do not shape the course of events. A paper may have a million readers without being a power in national life.

teresting, and, in spite of one's indig- resolves itself into preference for sennation, he is apt to read it through, one sation, scandal, filthy gossip, and libel, heading after another proving alluring which often entail criminal suits. To and attractive. The bad moral reputa- some extent, this is due to the isolated tion of the American press dates far position of America, and her unconback, although only of late have the cern with nearly every event or aspect reproaches become frequent and em- of European politics. Public opinion phatic. In 1813 a gentleman, in leav-in America never occupies itself much ing a large sum to a Philadelphia library, stipulated in his will that no daily paper should be found in the library. Thirty years ago Charles Dickens suggested the Daily Sewer as a fit name for the average American paper. And even Americans admit that the papers have deteriorated since Dickens's visit. Compare the American with the English papers, and there is at once perceived to be an immense difference between them. The American papers are larger and have more variety of reading matter, but the importance of the utterances, the serious and dignified tone, and the scholarly character of the English paper are vainly sought in the American. In the United States the paper is published for the sake of the news solely. The principal aim of the editor is to afford daily as much fresh news in readable shape as possible. In consequence of this, the moment you take a paper in your hands, a large number of "display heads," meant to be fetching, strike your eye. These heads are strange, puerile, offensive to the eye as well as to the mind, yet they are deemed of such high importance that on every paper there are men specially charged with the function of producing them and indicating the type in which they re to be set.

The great demand for newspapers in America has resulted in attracting into the business a lot of shrewd men who look upon a paper as a business enterprise merely, and whose skill consists in knowing what and how to buy and to sell and to advertise. They are uneducated and without literary talent; but they hire men to write and conduct the paper precisely as they would hire people for other lines of business. There are so many good writers and reporters in America that the publisher could make changes in his personnel every day. There is no question of a tendency or guiding general principle, but simply of selling papers. While there are a few organs representing special classes of readers and of interests, the overwhelming majority of papers have no convictions. Usually, the paper adheres to some party platform, which it defends against the other parties, but its adhesion is uncertain and never to be counted upon. It Long articles without a striking head, will change its politics at the slightest so frequently found in the European provocation, or even without any, sim-. papers, are inconceivable in America; ply for the sake of profit. It is an ordithe editor would be horrified by them.nary thing for a paper to go over to News not of a practical character is not another party, and its contemporaries valued. They have a proverb that see nothing reprehensible in it, and "good news is no news," and hence wish it all possible success in the new the eager hunt for news necessarily field.

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teresting, and, in spite of one's indig- resolves itself into preference for sen

with international questions, so important to the English journalist. Being thus one-sided purveyors of sensational news, and ignoring the larger questions, the papers have very little influence and do not shape the course of events. A paper may have a million readers without being a power in national life.

nation, he is apt to read it through, one sation, scandal, filthy gossip, and libel, heading after another proving alluring which often entail criminal suits. To and attractive. The bad moral reputa- some extent, this is due to the isolated tion of the American press dates far position of America, and her unconback, although only of late have the cern with nearly every event or aspect reproaches become frequent and em- of European politics. Public opinion phatic. In 1813 a gentleman, in leav-in America never occupies itself much ing a large sum to a Philadelphia library, stipulated in his will that no daily paper should be found in the library. Thirty years ago Charles Dickens suggested the Daily Sewer as a fit name for the average American paper. And even Americans admit that the papers have deteriorated since Dickens's visit. Compare the American with the English papers, and there is at once perceived to be an immense difference between them. The American papers are larger and have more variety of reading matter, but the importance of the utterances, the serious and dignified tone, and the scholarly character of the English paper are vainly sought in the American. In the United States the paper is published for the sake of the news solely. The principal aim of the editor is to afford daily as much fresh news in readable shape as possible. In consequence of this, the moment you take a paper in your hands, a large number of "display heads," meant to be fetching, strike your eye. These heads are strange, puerile, offensive to the eye as well as to the mind, yet they are deemed of such high importance that on every paper there are men specially charged with the function of producing them and indicating the type in which they re to be set.

Long articles without a striking head, so frequently found in the European papers, are inconceivable in America; the editor would be horrified by them. News not of a practical character is not valued. They have a proverb that "good news is no news," and hence the eager hunt for news necessarily

The great demand for newspapers in America has resulted in attracting into the business a lot of shrewd men who look upon a paper as a business enterprise merely, and whose skill consists in knowing what and how to buy and to sell and to advertise. They are uneducated and without literary talent; but they hire men to write and conduct the paper precisely as they would hire people for other lines of business. There are so many good writers and reporters in America that the publisher could make changes in his personnel every day. There is no question of a tendency or guiding general principle, but simply of selling papers. While there are a few organs representing special classes of readers and of interests, the overwhelming majority of papers have no convictions. Usually, the paper adheres to some party platform, which it defends against the other parties, but its adhesion is uncertain and never to be counted upon. It will change its politics at the slightest provocation, or even without any, sim-. ply for the sake of profit. It is an ordinary thing for a paper to go over to another party, and its contemporaries see nothing reprehensible in it, and wish it all possible success in the new field.

66

Attempts have been made to analyze | sessed in the counsel and assistance of the causes which underlay the prince's her husband. Under Peel the prince's unpopularity. His dress, the cut of position had become clearer, and he his clothes, his manner of shaking was duly installed as private secretary hands, his seat on horseback - all and intimate "counsellor" of the these contributed possibly to the preju- queen, taking part in all affairs regarddices of the aristocracy against him. ing the crown or bearing on foreign In the Scotsman newspaper, in 1854, policy, with the privilege of being presthere appeared an article accounting ent at all audiences between the soverfor the hostility to the young German eign and her ministers. The internal prince on the score of his virtues; dissensions of Lord John Russell's that as "a moral reformer" he was Cabinet, the constantly recurring diffibound to be obnoxious to all who, culties with Lord Palmerston, the dis"conscious of their own stinted capaci- missal of that minister from the ties and attainments, tremble for their Foreign Office in 1851, and his retiresocial position should the lower and ment again in 1853, all contributed to middle classes be thoroughly instructed give color to the reports of unconstituand civilized." By some he was thought tional interference on the part of the a dangerous metaphysician, and by prince. That his influence, brought to others a prig. His reserve was a stand- bear upon the vacillating will of Lord ing grievance in higher spheres of John Russell, effected the dismissal of society. He was altogether lacking in Palmerston in 1851 no one, by the light freedom and ease of manner; and he of documents now revealed in the never conformed to the ways of the "Life of the Prince Consort," can so-called "fast" people in the fash- doubt. Lord John Russell's biographer onable world. Above all, he was a has also, probably with some relucPeelite malgré lui," and offended tance, but in the interests of truth, ereby the old-fashioned Tories on made this plain. Yet, when the deone hand and the advanced section bate in Parliament took place in Januhe Liberal party on the other. If ary, 1854, in which the attacks on the was not accused of attempting prince culminated, no one who had to trench on the privileges of been prime minister, or had any hope. vereign, he was credited with of becoming so, was found to support ng a secret and baneful influ- the accusation that he had been guilty As he himself put it to the of the exercise of undue interference. Wellington, he On the contrary, all combined to praise him. Lord Palmerston had, through the press, already exonerated him by stating that he had exercised "no influence on the foreign secretary's resignation and return to office." Lord John Russell and Lord Aberdeen took the whole responsibility of everything that had taken place upon themselves, and bore eloquent witness to the "constitutional action of the queen." How, they then argued, could the prince have exercised unconstitutional influence over her, since she herself had not moved pport and intimate a hair's-breadth outside the limits of wwn, but a "per- the Constitution? Even Lord Derby, a wholly novel much less well disposed, was driven to rsonage. Lord speak sharply of the "gullibility of the Inted the queen public" and the "absurd attacks on otage she pos- the prince." point of fact, how