by you. To the blacks we say: This cup of liberty which these, your old masters, hold to your lips we will dash from you, and leave you to the chances of gathering the spilled and scattered contents in some vague and undefined when, where, and how. If this course, discouraging and paralyzing both white and black, has any tendency to bring Louisiana into proper practical relations with the Union, I have so far been unable to perceive it. If, on the contrary, we recognize and sustain the new government of Louisiana, the converse of all this is made true. We encourage the hearts and nerve the arms of the 12,000 to adhere to their work, and argue for it, and proselyte for it, and fight for it, and feed it, and grow it, and ripen it to a complete success. The colored man, too, in seeing all united for him, is inspired with vigilance, and energy, and daring, to the same end. Grant that he desires the elective franchise, will he not attain it sooner by saving the already advanced steps toward it than by running backward over them? Concede that the new government of Louisiana is only to what it should be as the egg is to the fowl, we shall sooner have the fowl by hatching the egg than by smashing it. Again, if we reject Louisiana we also reject one vote in favor of the proposed amendment to the national Constitution. To meet this proposition it has been argued that no more than three-fourths of those States which have not attempted secession are necessary to validly ratify the amendment. I do not commit myself against this further than to say that such a ratification would be questionable, and sure to be persistently questioned, while a ratification by three-fourths of all the States would be unquestioned and unquestionable. I repeat the question: Can Louisiana be brought into proper practical relation with the Union sooner by sustaining or by discarding her new State government? What has been said of Louisiana will apply generally to other States. And yet so great peculiarities pertain to each State, and such important and sudden changes occur in the same State, and withal so new and unprecedented is the whole case that no exclusive and inflexible plan can safely be prescribed as to details and collaterals. Such exclusive and inflexible plan would surely become a new entanglement. Important principles may and must be inflexible. In the present situation, as the phrase goes, it may be my duty to make some new announcement to the people of the South. I am considering, and shall not fail to act when satisfied that action will be proper. April 12, 1865.- TELEGRAM TO GENERAL G. WEITZEL. WASHINGTON, D. C., April 12, 1865. MAJOR-GENERAL WEITZEL, Richmond, Virginia: I have seen your despatch to Colonel Hardie about the matter of prayers. I do not remember hearing prayers spoken of while I was in Richmond; but I have no doubt you have acted in what appeared to you to be the spirit and temper manifested by me while there. Is there any sign of the rebel legislature coming together on the understanding of my letter to you? If there is any such sign, inform me what it is; if there is no such sign, you may with draw the offer. A. LINCOLN. April 12, 1865.-TELEGRAM TO GENERAL G. WEITZEL. WASHINGTON, D. C., April 12, 1865. MAJOR-GENERAL WEITZEL, Richmond, Virginia: I have just seen Judge Campbell's letter to you of the 7th. He assumes, as appears to me, that I have called the insurgent legisla ture of Virginia together, as the rightful legislature of the State, to settle all differences with the United States. I have done no such thing. I spoke of them, not as a legislature, but as "the gen tlemen who have acted as the legislature of Virginia in support of the rebellion." I did this on purpose to exclude the assumption that I was recognizing them as a rightful body. I dealt with them as men having power de facto to do a specific thing, to wit: "To withdraw the Virginia troops and other support from resistance to the General Government," for which, in the paper handed Judge Campbell, I promised a specific equivalent, to wit: a remission to the people of the State, except in certain cases, of the confiscation of their property. I meant this, and no more. Inasmuch, however, as Judge Campbell misconstrues this, and is still pressing for an armistice, contrary to the explicit statement of the paper I gave him, and particularly as General Grant has since captured the Vir ginia troops, so that giving a consideration for their withdrawal is no longer applicable, let my letter to you and the paper to Judge Campbell both be withdrawn, or countermanded, and he be notified of it. Do not now allow them to assemble but if any have come, allow them safe return to their homes. A. LINCOLN. INDEX A B C schools, the President at, I, 639. Abolitionist, Lincoln declared an, I, 218. Abolition of slavery, schemes for compen- Acquisition of territory, constitutional Acts of incorporation, power of Congress to Adams, Charles Francis, suggested for Cab- Adams, Christopher, candidate for position Adams, Green, letter to, regarding_special Adams, J. H., supports Lincoln for U. S. Adams, John, relative cost of his administra- 679 regard to powers of Congress over public Adams County, Ill., the Hanks family in, I, Addison, John, letter to, I, 159. Adjutant-general, the President's objec- "Admiral P. Tordenskiold," bark, recom- Africa, return of negroes to, I, 175, 187, 235; TRADE. "Africa," the, attempted seizure of Mr. ; Agriculture, Calhoun's views on, 1, 73; Jack- BURG. Alabama, former ownership, by Georgia, of |