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I RECEIVED two letters from you on the 5th, one dated on the ist, the other on the day previous. So first for the earlier one. I am delighted that you like my pamphlet, from which you have picked the plums. They seem all the more brilliant to my eyes for your approval of them. For I was mortally afraid of those little red wax wafers? of yours. As to Sicca, it is as you say. I could scarcely refrain from the subject you mention. So I will pass over the matter lightly, and without fixing any opprobrium upon Sicca and Septimia, only just enough to let our children's children know, without any Lucilian ambiguity, that Antony had had children by the daughter of Fadius Gallus. And I only wish I may live to see the day when that oration


have such free circulation in Rome as to find its way even into Sicca's house. “ But we must have a return to the state of things under the triumvirs !"* Hang me, if that isn't a good


86. Reading ab ista re. But the text is very uncertain. Apparently what Cicero refrained from mentioning was an intrigue of Antony's with Septimia, the wife of Sicca. The latter was a great friend of his, and therefore Atticus had suggested that the topic should be avoided. Cicero seems to have alluded—though obscurely—to it (2 Phil. § 3), speaking of having espoused the cause of a familiaris against Antony. Perhaps in the original draft the allusion was more patent, and names were mentioned.

Q. Fadius Gallus, a freedman. Cicero harps on this mésalliance more than once (see 2 Phil. $ 3; 13 Phil. $ 23). It was probably Antony's first marriage, and the motive was apparently money. He afterwards married his cousin Antonia, whom he divorced in B.C. 47, and in B.C. 46 or 45 married Fulvia, widow first of Clodius and then of Curio. The expression sine vallo Luciliano is very doubtful. Tyrrell and Purser propose φραγμώ or φράγματι. It in some way seems to mean that Lucilius in his personal attacks guarded himself from danger of retaliation.

4 This is the literal translation, but it seems a poor jest for Atticus to have made. Perhaps he did not mean to jest, but said in all serious

1 See



joke! However, please read it to Sextus Peducæus, and write and tell me his opinion of it. Better his one than ten thousand in my eyes. Be on your guard against the appearance of Calenus and Calvena' on the scene. You fear that I shall think you long-winded. Who less so? As Aristophanes' thought of the iambics of Archilochus—the longest letter from you ever seems the best.

As to your “admonishing me”—why, even if you reprimanded me, I should bear it not merely with patience, but with real pleasure, for in your reprimand there were both wisdom and kindly purpose. Therefore I shall cheerfully correct faults pointed out by you. I will write “by the same right as you did the property of Rubrius," instead of “the property of Scipio”: 3 and I will soften down my excessive praise of Dolabella. Yet, after all, there seems a very neat piece of irony in saying "that he had fought three battles against his fellow citizens.” 4 Again, I prefer your suggestion : "It is the most inequitable thing in the world that this man should be living” to “What could be more inequitable?” I am not jealous of your admiring Varro's Peplographia. But I haven't yet got out of him his “ Essay in the style of Heracleides.' You urge me to write. It is very friendly

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ness that the present times were so bad that they made them look back to the period when Cæsar, Pompey, and Crassus were supreme (B.C. 59-53) as a golden age of liberty in comparison.

Friends of Antony and warm Cæsarians. For Q. Fufius Calenus see vol. iii., p. 35; for C. Matius Calvena see pp. 5, 9, 16.

2 The grammarian and critic of Alexandria.

3 The reference is to 2 Phil. § 103. Cicero more than once refers in this Philippic to the case of Lucius Rubrius, whom he alleges that Antony forced to make a will in his favour. L. Rubrius was one of the officers captured and released by Cæsar with Domitius at Corfinium (Cæs. B. c. i. 23), and Antony may have found means to put pressure on him. Scipio perhaps refers to Pompey's father-in-law, and Atticus seems to have objected to accusing Antony of invading his property.

* 2 Phil. $ 75. The point of the passage is to contrast Dolabella's energy 'even in a bad cause-in having been present at all three battles — with Antony's want of spirit.

• The latter, however, still stands in the text of 2 Phil. & 86.

6 A title of a book of Varro's on famous men, taken from the sacred Peplus or robe offered once a year at Athens to Athenè, which was embroidered with figures from legends and history.

? A political treatise (see p. 59) which Varro had promised to dedicate to Cicero (vol. iii., p. 305).

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of you, but the fact is I do nothing else. I am very sorry to hear of your cold. Pray attend to it with all your accustomed care. I am very glad my

“ Oh Titus does

you good. The “men of Anagnia are Mustela, captain of his ruffians, and Laco who is a notorious toper. The book for which you ask me I will polish up and send you.

Now for your later letter. The de Officiisas far as Panatius goes—I have completed in two books. His treatise is in three. But at the beginning he had defined the cases in which duty has to be determined to be three: one when we deliberate as to whether a thing is right or wrong; another whether it is expedient or inexpedient; and a third when there seems to be a contest between the right and the expedient, on what principle we are to decide—as, for instance, in the case of Regulus, it was right to return, expedient to stay. Well, having begun by defining these three categories, he discussed the first two in brilliant style ; on the third he promised an essay in due course, but never wrote it. That topic was taken up by Posidonius. I, however, both sent for the latter's book, and also wrote to Athenodorus Calvus to send me an analysis of it. I am now waiting for this, and I should be obliged if you would give him a reminder and ask him to send it as soon as possible. In that treatise there are remarks upon “relative duty." As to your question about the title, I have no doubt about officium representing kaoñkov--unless you have something else to suggest—but the fuller title is de Officiis. Finally, I address it to my son. It seemed to me to be not inappropriate.

About Myrtilus : you make all clear. Oh, what a vivid picture you always give of that set! Does he really try to implicate Decimus Brutus? Heaven confound them! I have not gone into hiding at Pompeii, as I told you I should do. In the first place owing to the weather, which has been most abominable; and in the second because I get a letter from Octavian every day, begging me to undertake the business, to come to Capua, once more to save the Republic, and

any case to go at once to Rome:

1 The first words of the de Senectute. 2 See 2 Phil. $ 106. The two names are now given in the text.

3 See p. 144.


“ Ashamed to shrink and yet afraid to take.” 1 After all, his action has been extremely vigorous, and still is

He will come to Rome with a large body of men, but he is very green. He thinks he can have a meeting of the senate at once. Who will come to it? Who, if he does come, will venture to oppose Antony in the present undecided state of things ? On the ist of January he will perhaps be a protection to them, or before that time a pitched battle will perhaps be fought. The municipal towns shew astonishing enthusiasm for the boy. For instance, on his way into Samnium he came to Cales and stopped at Teanum. There was a wonderful procession to meet him, and loud expressions of encouragement. Would you have thought that? It makes me resolve to go to Rome earlier than I had intended. As soon as I have made up my mind, I will write.

Though I have not yet read the terms of agreement-for Eros has not yet arrived—yet I would have you settle the business on the 12th. I shall be able to send letters to Catina, Tauromenium, and Syracuse with greater ease, if Valerius the interpreter will send me the names of the influential people. For such men vary from time to time, and our special friends are mostly dead. However, I have written some circular letters for Valerius to use if he chooses, or he must send me names. About the holidays for Lepidus's inauguration, Balbus tells me that they will extend to the 30th. I shall look anxiously for a letter from you, and I think I shall learn about that little affair of Torquatus. I am forwarding you a letter from Quintus, to shew you how strongly attached he is to the youth,whom it vexes him that you do not love enough. As Attica is inclined to be merry—the best sign in children-give her a kiss for me.

| Homer, Il. vii. 93. See vol. ii., p. 144.

As Pontifex Maximus. * The younger Quintus, of whose alienation from his uncle Atticus we have heard before. See vol. iii., p. 348.




I SEND you a copy of a letter from Oppius, because of its great kindness. As to Ocella, while you are dallying about and never writing me a line I have taken the law into my own hands. So I think I shall be at Rome on the 12th. It seems to me to be better to be there for nothing, though it may not be absolutely necessary, than not to be there if it is. And at the same time I am afraid of being cut off from a return. For Antony may be already on his way thither, for there are various rumours afloat, and many of them which I only wish were true. There is, however, nothing certain. But for my part, whatever the truth may be, I would rather be with you than be in suspense both for you and myself, owing to my absence from you. But what am I to say to you? Cheer up! As to Varro's Heracleidean work—it is really rather comic! I was never so tickled with anything. But this and other things when we meet.





On the 7th I arrived at my lodge at Sinuessa. On the same day it was the common talk that Antony was going to halt at Casilinum. So I changed my plan : for I had re

? See p. 142. Varro had apparently once more disappointed Cicero of the promised dedication, and perhaps made some lame excuse, which Cicero regarded as ridiculous.

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