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bella had anticipated me in getting hold of these armies, he would have strengthened Antony's hands, not only by their actual arrival, but also by giving him reason to think and expect that they were coming. For which achievements defend my soldiers, since you understand that they have done wonderfully good service to the state, and secure that they do not regret having preferred to make the Republic the object of their labours rather than the hope of booty and plunder. Maintain also the position of the imperators Murcus and Crispus as far as lies in your power. For Bassus2 was desperately unwilling to hand over his legion to me. Had not his soldiers in spite of him sent agents to me, he would have kept Apamea closed until it had been stormed. I make these remarks to you not only in the name of the Republic, which has always been the object of your deepest affection, but also in the name of our friendship, which I feel sure has the greatest weight with you. Believe me that this army is at the service of the senate and all the most loyal citizens, and above all of yourself. For from continually being told of your patriotism they regard you with wonderful devotion and affection. And if they come to understand that their interests engage your attention, they will also regard themselves as owing you everything.

Since writing this letter I have been informed that Dolabella has arrived in Cilicia with his forces. I shall start for Cilicia. Whatever I succeed in doing I will take care to let you know promptly. I can only hope that we may be as fortunate as our services to the state deserve. Keep well, and love me.

7 May, in camp.

1 L. Murcus and Q. Marcius Crispus, who had been engaged against Cæcilius Bassus, and had handed over their legions to Čassius. See P. 180.

2 See vol. iii., p. 335; ante, pp. 15, 143, 180.

DCCCLIII (BRUT. I, 4, §§ 1-3)

M. IUNIUS BRUTUS TO CICERO (AT ROME)

DYRRACHIUM (7 MAY)

My joy at hearing of the success of our friend Decimus Brutus and the consuls it is easier for you to imagine than for me to write.1 I have nothing but praise and pleasure for everything that has occurred, but especially for the fact that the sortie of Brutus not only proved his own salvation, but also a very great assistance to the victory.2

You remark that all the three Antonies stand on one and the same ground, and that it rests with me to decide what view I take. Well, my only conclusion is that the decision in regard to those citizens who have fought and not been killed rests with the senate or the Roman people. "Ah, but," you will say, "you are wrong to begin with in calling men citizens whose feelings to the state are those of enemies." On the contrary, I am acting with the strictest justice. For that which the senate has not yet voted, nor the Roman people ordained-that I do not take upon myself to prejudge, nor do I claim to decide it on my own authority. From this position I do not budge-from the man, whom circumstances did not compel me to put to death, I have not wrested anything in a spirit of cruelty, nor have I given him any indulgence from mere weakness; but I have retained him in my power until the end of the war. I consider it much the more honourable course, and one which the Re

1 Brutus could not have known of the death of the consuls, which indeed was not known at first even at Rome. Galba's letter (pp. 211-213) says nothing even of Pansa's wound, and as Brutus refers below to the last words of Letter DCCCXLI (p. 219), he could not have as yet received DCCCXLIII.

2 According to Dio (46, 40), Decimus Brutus and his besieged garrison made no sortie during the battle, nor took any part in it. But there is nothing surprising in M. Brutus having heard that he did. The inaccuracy of the reports during the war has again and again been apparent.

public can with more safety concede, not to press heavily on the unfortunate, rather than to indulge men of influence in what is calculated to inflame their ambition and arrogance.1 In this matter, Cicero, you-who have done the most splendid and gallant services, and are most deeply beloved by all on private and public grounds alike—seem to me too ready to believe what you hope; and the moment anyone has done anything well, to be ready to give and concede everything to him. As though it were not quite possible that a mind should be corrupted by bribery and perverted to evil. You are so good-natured that you won't be angry at receiving this hint, especially as it concerns the common safety. You will act, however, as it may seem best to you. Even I, when you have admonished me

2

DCCCLIV (F X, 13)

TO L. MUNATIUS PLANCUS (IN GALLIA

COMATA)

ROME (10 MAY)

FROM the first moment that the opportunity was given me of promoting your position, I omitted nothing that was calculated to do you honour, whether in the way of substantial reward for valour or of complimentary words. That you will be able to learn from the decree of the senate itself: for it was drawn up word for word as I delivered my motion from a written copy; which motion was carried by a full senate with great enthusiasm and striking unanimity. Although I clearly gathered from your letter to me that you cared more for the approval of good men than for the outward badges of distinction, yet I thought that we ought to

1 Brutus seems to be referring to those members of the party who were in favour of severities to the opposition, partly from desire for vengeance, and partly with an eye to confiscations and other personal advantages. We heard much of this in the early times of the civil war. See vol. ii.,

PP. 294, 310, etc.

2 The end of the letter is lost.

take into calculation—even if you made no demand-how much was due to you from the Republic. See that you make the end tally with the beginning. For the man who crushes Antony will have finished the war. Just so Homer did not give either Ajax or Achilles the title of "city-sacker,” but Ulysses.'

DCCCLV (F XI, 13, §§ 1-4)

DECIMUS BRUTUS TO CICERO (AT ROME) POLLENTIA (12 MAY)

I AM not going to thank you any more; for when one can make a man no return in deeds, it is impossible to satisfy his just claims by mere words. I want you to notice what I have on my hands. For your insight is so great that you will take in the whole situation, if you read my letter with care. I was unable, my dear Cicero, to pursue Antony at once for the following reasons. I had no cavalry, no transport animals ; I did not know that Hirtius was dead; I did not know that Aquila was dead; I couldn't put any confidence in Cæsar without first visiting and holding a conversation with him. So passed the first day. Next day early I was summoned by Pansa to Bononia. While I was on the way news was brought to me that he was dead. I hurried back to my poor little force-for I can call it so with truth. It was most woefully reduced and in the very worst condition from want of every kind of necessary. Antony thus got two days start of me. He made much longer marches, as being in retreat, than I could in pursuit. For he marched in loose

'This is true of the Odyssey, but in the Iliad Achilles is called ToλπóρGog four times (viii. 372; xv. 77; xxi. 550; xxiv. 108). But as the great critic Aristarchus made the same remark, he was either referring only to the Odyssey, or he disbelieved in the genuineness of these verses in the Iliad. The point here is that, though Ajax and Achilles won victories, it was Ulysses who finished the war by leading the chiefs in the wooden horse; so it is the man who conquers Antony that will finish the war.

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order, I in close. Wherever he came he broke open the slave-barracks and forcibly requisitioned the men. He never made any halt anywhere till he reached Vada.' I would like you to know about this place. It lies between the Apennines and the Alps, very difficult to reach by a march. When I was thirty miles from it, and when Ventidius had already effected a junction with him, a public speech delivered by Antony was reported to me, in which he began entreating his men to follow him across the Alps, telling them that he had an understanding with Marcus Lepidus. There was some murmuring, and from a good many of Ventidius's men-for Antony has very few of his own-that it was their duty to perish or conquer in Italy; and they began begging him to allow them to march to Pollentia. Not being able to withstand them, he arranged to begin his march the next day. When I received this intelligence I at once sent forward five cohorts to Pollentia and directed my march to that place. My advanced guard arrived at Pollentia an hour before Trebellius with his cavalry. I was greatly delighted: for I think that this constitutes a victory.

DCCCLVI (F X, 15)

L. MUNATIUS PLANCUS TO CICERO (AT

ROME)

CULARO, 13 MAY

5

3

WHAT has happened since my last letter was written I thought it for the public service that you should know. My persevering attention has, I hope, borne some fruit both for myself and the Republic. For by a continual inter

1 See p. 231.

2 There is no doubt that Decimus Brutus was completely outmanoeuvred. Antony's despatch of cavalry to Pollentia was a feint to draw Decimus Brutus away from the road to Vada, and he fell into the trap.

3 The end of the letter is lost.

4 Modern Grenoble

5 See Letter DCCCXLV. This may have been sent with it.

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