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had been turned out of the country by the Buthrotians. Well done they! But please write me a full account of the whole affair.
DCCLXVI (A XVI, 1)
TO ATTICUS (AT ROME)
PUTEOLI, 8 JULY
I ARRIVED at Puteoli on the 7th. I write this on the following day as I am crossing to Nesis.' But on the day of my arrival, as I was at dinner Eros brought me your letter. Is it really so ? “Nones of July!"2 The gods con
' found them! But one might rage all day long. What could be a greater insult to Brutus than “July”? I come back to my old-quousque tandem ? I have never seen anything worse. But what is this, pray, about the land-grabbers being cut to pieces at Buthrotum ? How also came Plancus to be on the run day and night—for that is whispered to me? I am very anxious to know what it means.
I am glad that my going abroad is commended : I must try and get my staying at home praised also. That the Dymæans should harry the sea after being expelled from their lands is no wonder. There seems to be some protection in making the voyage
with Brutus. But I think his vessels
Nesis (mod. Nisidia) is a small island between Puteoli and Naples, on which Brutus or perhaps his mother (see ad Att. xiv. 21, p. 46) had a villa.
2 The change of name of the month Quintilis to Iulius, as being the month of Cæsar's birth, was voted by the senate early in this year, Dio, 44, 5; but it does not seem to have quickly come into public use, for it was re-enacted in his honour after his death, Dio, 45, 8. It probably had not been used in formal documents, and Cicero thinks it particularly bad taste to have used the word in regard to the games, for which Brutus was paying.
3 New coloni often found themselves roughly treated by the men dispossessed in their favour. See last letter, p. 104, and 2 Phil. § 100.
* Some of the pirates whom Pompey had settled on lands at Dyme in Achaia, after the Piratic war of B.c. 57-56, Plut. Pomp. 28.
are small. However, I shall know all about it directly, and will write to you to-morrow. As to Ventidius,' I think it is a canard. As to Sextus, it is regarded as certain that he is giving in.? If this is true, we must submit to being slaves even without a civil war. What are we to say then? Is our hope in Pansa and the ist of January? That's all moonshine, considering the drur en and drowsy habits of these men. About the 210 sestertia-capital ! Let my son's accounts be put straight. For Ovius has just arrived and his report is much to my satisfaction :
: among other things it is by no means bad that seventy-two sestertia is enough, and quite liberal, but that Xeno furnishes him very sparingly and stingily. You say that your bill of exchange amounted to more than the rent of the town lots. Well, let the year in which he had the additional expense of the journey be credited with the balance. From the ist of April next let his allowance be kept to the eighty sestertia. For the town lots now produce that amount. We must see to some settlement for him when he is back in Rome. For I don't think that he could endure that woman as a mother-in-law. About my Cuman villa I said “no” to Pindarus.
Now let me inform you of my motive for sending you a letter-carrier. Young Quintus promises me that he will be a regular Cato. But both father and son urged me to guarantee this to you, though with the understanding that you shouldn't believe it till you had practical proof of it yourself
. I will give him a letter such as he desires. Don't let it influence your opinion. I am writing this to prevent your supposing that I am convinced. Heaven send that he carries out his promises !
1 P. Ventidius Bassus, a devoted adherent of Antony, was now prætordesignate. Probably the rumour was as to his raising troops, as he did later on.
Lepidus was negotiating with Sextus Pompeius, offering him the restitution of his father's wealth (Dio, 45, 10). It is rumoured that he is accepting. Cicero thinks that that will make Antony all-powerful. Ad arma in the text is wrong. Mr. Tyrrell suggests ad Larem (cp. p. 103). I suggest dare manus. If abbreviated dar ma, it might be easily turned into ad arma.
3 From Athens.
^ About £640, accruing from the rents of the blocks of houses (insula) which apparently formed part of Terentia's property secured to her son. His first year's expenditure had exceeded, his second year had fallen below it, and Cicero says the two are to be lumped together. Cp. p. 80.
It will be a satisfaction to everyone concerned. But I-well, I will say nothing more. He starts on the roth. He says he is making a consignment of debts for the 15th, but that he is being very hard pressed. You will judge from my letter what answer to give him. I will write at greater length when I have seen Brutus and am sending Eros back. I quite accept my dear Attica's apology, and love her dearly Give my kind regards to her and Pilia.
DCCLXVII (A XVI, 5)
TO ATTICUS (AT ROME)
PUTEOLI, 9 July
BRUTUS is anxious for a letter from you. I told him about the Tereus of Accius,' though he had heard it before. He thought that it was the Brutus. But, after all, some whisper of a report had reached him that at the opening of the Greek
games the attendance had been small, at which for one I was not surprised. For you know my opinion of Greek games.
But now listen to what is of more importance than everything else. Young Quintus stayed with me several days, and if I had wished it would have been quite willing to stay longer. But as far as his visit went you could hardly believe how much delighted I was with him in every particular, but especially in the point in which he used most to disappoint me. For he has become such an entirely changed man-partly by certain writings of mine on which I am now engaged, and partly by my constantly talking to him and impressing my maxims upon him—that he is really going to be all that I wish in politics. After having not
1 Some exhibition of popular feeling at the acting of Accius's tragedy of Tereus (see p. 105). Cicero afterwards (2 Phil. $ 31) asserted that the populace had shewn extraordinary enthusiasm for Brutus at these games. But this was evidently not the case ; and on the contrary the outbursts against the assassins seem finally to have decided them to leave Italy. See App. B. C. iii. 24.
2 See vol. i., p. 259 (Fam. vii. 1).
only declared this to me, but also thoroughly convinced me of it, he implored me at great length to guarantee to you that he would in the future be worthy of you and of us. And he didn't ask you to believe this at once, but that you should only restore your affection to him when you had seen it with your own eyes.
Had he not convinced me of this, and had I not made up my mind that what am saying might be relied upon, I would not have done what I am going to tell you. I took the young man with me to see Brutus. The latter was so convinced of what I am telling you, that he took upon himself to believe in him independently, and would have none of me as guarantee. He praised him and spoke of you in the most friendly tone, and dismissed him with embraces and kisses. Wherefore, though I have more reason to congratulate you than to prefer any request to you, yet I do also request you that if there appeared to be certain irregularities in his conduct heretofore, owing to the weakness of youth, you should believe that he has now rid himself of them, and should trust me when I say that your influence will contribute much, or I should rather say more than anything else, to make his decision permanent.
Though I made frequent hints to Brutus about our sailing together, he didn't seem to catch at the suggestion as eagerly as I had expected. I thought him in an uneasy frame of mind, and indeed he was so—especially about the games. But when I had got back to my villa Gnæus Lucceius, who sees a good deal of Brutus, told me that he was hesitating a great deal as to his departure, not from any change of policy, but because he was waiting to see if any. thing turned up. So I am doubting whether I shall direct my steps to Venusia and there wait to hear about the legions : 2 and if they do not come, as some expect-go on to Hydruntum : 8 but if neither port is safe—come back to
? This favourable report is conveyed by Quintus himself. Cicero had already warned Atticus not to believe it. See last letter, and infra,
? Which Antony was bringing over from Macedonia and Epirus, where they had been stationed by Cæsar. Venusia is on the Appian road to Brundisium.
3 The nearest harbour in Calabria for Greece. Cicero had before (p. 8) said that he was going to embark there in preference to
where I am. Do you think I am joking? Upon my life you are the only tie that keeps me here. For take a careful view of the situation : but do it before I have cause to blush for my conduct. Ah ! Lepidus's notice of his inauguration days is just like him, and just suits with my plan of return. Your letter conveys a strong motive for my starting for Greece. And oh, that I might find you there! But it must be as you think most to your advantage. I am anxious for a letter from Nepos. Can he really want my books, when he thinks the subjects on which I plume myself not worth reading ? Yes—as you say :
" in form and face Ajax the flower of all the Grecian host
Next to the flawless son whom Thetis bore.” 2 You are the “flawless" one-he is one of the “immortals." There is no collection of my letters in existence: but Tiro has something like seventy. Moreover, there are some to be got from you. I ought to look through and correct them. They shall not be published till I have done so.'
Brundisium, at which latter Atticus warned him he might meet the legions of Antony. Neutrum, i.e., neither Brundisium nor Hydruntum.
M. Æmilius Lepidus (the future triumvir) had taken advantage of the confusion following the murder of Cæsar to get himself elected Pontifex Maximus in his place. He had fixed his inauguration festival for the 29th of November (see p. 151), by which time Cicero meant to be back in Rome.
Odyssey, xi. 469. The aptness of the quotation, of which he only gives two words (uer' åpóuova), is not very evident. He appears to mean, “Cornelius Nepos is a very eminent and even immortal writernext of course to you in my eyes. Nepos devoted himself to history, like Atticus, and didn't care for speculative philosophy.
3 This does not militate against the fact of the greater part of Cicero's letters being spontaneous and written with no eye to publication. A certain number of them are careful compositions, and it is a collection of such that he probably contemplated being published. He draws the distinction himself elsewhere (vol. iii., pp. 58-59).