he died under the hands of the surgeons. He then sent his friends, and those that were most intimate with him, to the soldiers; and promised that he would give them a great deal of money if they would make him king. He intimated to them that Demetrius was taken captive by the Parthians; and that Demetrius's brother Antiochus, if he came to be king, would do them a great deal of mischief, in way of revenge for their revolting from his brother. So the soldiers, in So the soldiers, in expectation of the wealth they should get by bestowing the kingdom on Trypho, made him their ruler. However, when Trypho had gained the management of affairs he demonstrated his disposition to be wicked. For while he was a private person he cultivated a familiarity with the multitude, and pretended to great moderation; and so drew them on artfully to whatsoever he pleased. But when he had once taken the kingdom, he laid aside any farther dissimulation, and appeared in his true colours. This behaviour made his enemies superior to him; for the soldiery hated him, and revolted from him to Cleopatra, the wife of Demetrius; who was then shut up in Seleucia, with her children. But as Antiochus, the son of Demetrius, who was called Soter, was not admitted by any of the cities on account of Trypho; Cleopatra sent to him, and invited him to marry her, and to take the kingdom. The reasons why she made this invitation, were, that her friends persuaded her to it; and that she was afraid for herself, in case some of the people of Seleucia should deliver up the city to Trypho. As Antiochus was now come to Seleucia, and his forces increased every day, he marched to fight Trypho; and having defeated him, he ejected him out of the Upper Syria into Phoenicia; and pursued him thither, and besieged him in Dora, which was a fortress hard to be taken, whither he had fled. He also sent ambassadors to Simon, the Jewish high-priest, about a league of friendship and mutual assistance. Who readily accepted of the invitation; and sent to Antiochus great sums of money; and provisions, for those that besieged Dora; and thereby supplied them very plentifully. So that for a little while he was looked upon as one of his most intimate friends. But still Trypho fled from Dora to *Apamia; where he was taken * Orthosia, 1 Macc. xv. 37. † An. 142, 141, 140, B. C. From An. 143 to An. 135 B. C. Here Josephus begins to follow, and to abridge' the next sacred Hebrew book, styled in the end of the first book of Maccabees, The Chronicles of John Hyrcanus's High-Priesthood; but in some of the Greek copies the fourth book of Maccabees. during the siege, and put to death; when he had reigned †three years. However, Antiochus forgot the kind assistance that Simon had afforded him in his necessity; by reason of his covetous and wicked disposition; and committed an army of soldiers to his friend Cendebeus; and sent him at once to ravage Judea, and to seize Simon. When Simon heard of Antiochus's breaking his league with him, although he were now in years, yet, provoked with the unjust treatment he had met with from Antiochus, and taking a resolution brisker than his age could well bear, he went like a young man to act as general of his army. He also sent his sons before, among the most hardy of his soldiers; and he himself marched on with his army another way; and laid many of his men in ambushes, in the narrow valleys, between the mountains. Nor did he fail of success in any one of his attempts; but was too hard for his enemies in every one of them. So he led the rest of his life in peace; and also made a league with the Romans. Now he was the ruler of the Jews in all eight years: but his death was at length caused at a banquet by the treachery of his son-in-law, Ptolemy; who caught also his wife and two of his sons, and kept them in bonds. He also sent some to kill John, the third son; whose name was Hyrcanus. But the young man, perceiving them coming,§ avoided the danger he was in, and hastened into the city Jerusalem; as relying on the good-will of the multitude; because of the benefits they had received from his father, and because of the hatred the same multitude bore to Ptolemy. So that when Ptolemy was endeavouring to enter the city by another gate, they drove him away; as having already admitted Hyrcanus. CHAP. VIII. HYRCANUS RECEIVES THE HIGH-PRIESTHOOD, AND EJECTS PTOLEMY OUT OF THE COUNTRY. ANTIOCHUS MAKES WAR AGAINST HYRCANUS, AND AFTERWARD MAKES A LEAGUE WITH HIM. PTOLEMY retired to one of the fortresses that was above Jericho, which was called Dagon. But Hyrcanus took the high-priesthood, that had been his father's before, and propitiated God by sacrifices; he then made an expedition against Ptolemy; and when he made his attacks upon the place, A Greek version of this chronicle was extant in the days of Santes Pagnius, and Sixtus Senensis, at Lyons; though it seems to have been there burnt, and to be now utterly lost. See Sixtus Senensis's account of it, of its many Hebraisms, and its great agreement with Josephus's abridgment; in the Authentic Records, part I. page 206, 207, 208. An. 136. in other points he was too hard for him; but was rendered weaker than he by the commiseration he had for his mother and brethren; and by that only. For Ptolemy brought them upon the wall, and tormented them in the sight of all, and threatened that he would throw them down headlong, unless Hyrcanus would raise the siege. And as he thought that so far as he relaxed as to the siege and taking of the place, so much favour did he show to those that were dearest to him, by preventing their mis-hundred towers of three stories high, and placed ery; his zeal about it was cooled. However, his mother spread out her hands, and begged of him, that he would not grow remiss on her account; but indulge his indignation so much the more; and that he would do his utmost to take the place quickly, in order to get their enemy under his power; and then to avenge upon him what he had done to those that were dearest to himself. For that death to her would be sweet, though attended with torment; if that enemy of theirs might but be brought to punishment for his wicked dealings to them. Now when his mother said so, he resolved to take the fortress immediately: but when he saw her beaten, and torn to pieces, his courage failed him; and he could not but sympathize with what his mother suffered, and was thereby overcome. And as the siege was drawn out into length by these means, that year on which the Jews use to rest came on; for the Jews observe this rest every seventh year, as they do every seventh day. So Ptolemy, being for this cause released from the war, slew the brethren of Hyrcanus, and his mother. And when he had so done, he fled to Zeno, surnamed Cotylas; who was then tyrant of the city Philadelphia. the city; which he encompassed round with seven encampments; but did nothing at the first; because of the strength of the walls, and the valour of the besieged; although they were once in want of water; which yet they were delivered from by a copious shower of rain, which fell at the setting of the Pleiades. However, about the north part of the wall, where it happened the city was upon a level with the outward ground, the king raised a bodies of soldiers upon them; and as he made his attacks every day, he cut a double ditch, deep and broad; and confined the inhabitants within it, as within a wall. But the besieged contrived to make frequent sallies; and if the enemy were not anywhere upon their guard, they fell upon them, and did them a great deal of mischief; and if they perceived them, they then retired into the city with ease. But because Hyrcanus discerned the inconvenience of so great a number of men in the city; while the provisions were the sooner spent by them, and yet, as is natural to suppose, those great numbers did nothing; he separated the useless part, and excluded them out of the city; and retained that part only which were in the flower of their age, and fit for war. However, Antiochus would not let those that were excluded go away. Who therefore wandering about between the walls, and consuming away by famine, died miserably. But when the feast of the tabernacles was at hand, those that were within commiserated their condition, and received them in again. And when Hyrcanus sent to Antiochus, and desired there might be a truce for seven days, because of the festival; he gave way to this piety towards God, and made But Antiochus, being very uneasy at the mise- that truce accordingly. And besides that, he sent ries that Simon had brought upon him, invaded in a magnificent sacrifice, bulls with their Shorns Judea, in the fourth year of his reign; and the gilded; with all sorts of sweet spices; and with first year of the principality of Hyrcanus, in the cups of gold and silver. So those that were at the thundred and sixty-second Olympiad. And when gates received the sacrifices from those that brought he had burnt the country, he shut up Hyrcanus in them, and led them to the temple; Antiochus in the * Hence we learn that, in the days of this excellent highpriest, John Hyrcanus, the observance of the sabbatic year, as Josephus supposed, required a rest from war; as did that of the weekly sabbath from work. I mean this, unless in the case of necessity, when the Jews were attacked by their enemies; in which case indeed, and in which alone, they allowed defensive fighting to be lawful, even on the sabbath day; as we see in several places of Josephus, Antiq. XII. 6. XIII. 1. XIV. 4. XVIII. 9. Of the War, I. 7. IV. 2. But then it must be noted, that this rest from war noway appears in the first book of Mac. cabees, chap. xvi. but the direct contrary. Though indeed the Jews, in the days of Antiochus Epiphanes, did not venture upon fighting on the sabbath day, even in the defence of their own lives; till the Asmoneans or Maccabees decreed so to do. 1 Macc. ii. 32-41. Antiq. XII. 6. + Josephus's copies, both Greek and Latin, have here a gross mistake; when they say, that this first year of John Hyrcanus, which we have just now seen to have been a sabbatic year, was in the 162d Olympiad, whereas it was certainly the second year of the 161st. See the like before, XII. 7. This heliacal setting of the Pleiades, or seven stars, was in the days of Hyrcanus and Josephus, early in the spring, about February, the time of the latter rain in Judea. And this, so far as I remember, is the only astronomical character of time, besides one eclipse of the moon, in the reign of Herod, that we meet with in all Josephus. The Jews being little accustomed to astronomical observations, any farther than for the use of their calendar; and utterly forbidden those astrological uses which the Heathens commonly made of them. § Dr. Hudson tells us here, that the custom of gilding the horns of those oxen that were to be sacrificed, is a known thing, both in the poets and orators. mean time feasting his army. This was quite mission of the garrison, to give him hostages, and Now Hyrcanus fopened the sepulchre of David, who excelled all other kings in riches; and took out of it three thousand talents. He was also Accordingly Hyrcanus took this moderation the first of the Jews that, relying on this wealth, kindly: and when he understood how religious he maintained foreign troops. He likewise made a was towards the Deity, he sent an ambassage to league of friendship and mutual assistance with him; and desired that he would restore the settle- Antiochus, and admitted him into the city, and ments they received from their forefathers. So he furnished him with whatsoever his army wanted rejected the counsel of those that *would have in great plenty, and marched along with him when him utterly destroy the nation; by reason of their he made an expedition against the Parthians. Of way of living, which was to others unsociable; which Nicolaus of Damascus is a witness for us; and did not regard what they said. But being who in his history writes thus: "When Antiochus persuaded that all they did was out of a religious had erected a trophy at the river Lycus, upon his mind, he answered the ambassadors, that if the conquest of Indates, the general of the Parthians, besieged would deliver up their arms, and pay he stayed there two days. It was at the desire tribute for Joppa and the other cities which bor- of Hyrcanus, the Jew: because it was such a dered upon Judea, and admit a garrison of his; festival derived to them from their forefathers, on these terms he would make war against them whereon the law of the Jews did not allow them no longer. But the Jews, although they were to travel." And he did not speak falsely in saycontent with the other conditions, did not agreeing so: for that festival, which we call Pentecost, to admit the garrison, because they could not did then fall out to be the next day to the sabbath. associate with other people, nor converse with Nor is it §lawful for us to journey either on a sabthem. Yet were they willing, instead of the ad- bath day, or on a festival. But when Antiochus temple of Jerusalem; so that, for many years, they both lay in rubbish, this treasure in David's sepulchre lay all the while safe and secure under it; and that when Antiochus Epiphanes, in like manner, destroyed the city, and robbed the temple of all that he could find, this treasure still escaped his rapacious hands, nor was ever molested, till Hyrcanus, at this time, was forced to make bold with it: all which suppositions seem highly improbable, and beyond belief. There is this, however, to be said in the matter, that as there certainly was a bank or treasury in the temple, where money was laid up for the support of the poor, for the relief of widows and fatherless children, and for the maintenance of divine service: and where the great men, and rich men of the nation were used to deposit their wealth, for its better security; it is not improbable, that upon the account of the frequent invasions and depredations they were liable to, this treasure might be kept in some secret and subterraneous place, unknown to all, but such as were at the head of affairs; that Hyrcanus, being now under great difficulty to raise money, might borrow it out of this bank, till better times enabled him to repay it; and that Herod, when he plundered it quite, might trump up this plausible story, that it neither belonged to church, nor poor, nor any private person, but had been deposited there by David, and his successors, as a proper supply for the state in times of need. Prideaux's Connection, Anno 135, and Universal His. tory, lib. 2. c. 11. B. This account in Josephus, that the present Antiochus was persuaded, though in vain, not to make peace with the Jews, but to cut them off utterly, is fully confirmed by Diodorus Siculus, in Photius's extracts out of his 34th book. † See the note on Book VII. chap. 15. Josephus tells us, that Hyrcanus, to find some money for this, and other occasions of the government, broke up the sepulchre of David, and took from thence three thousand talents, and that Herod the Great did afterwards the like, (Antiq. lib. XVII. c. 16, and lib. XVI. c. 11.) But both these stories are highly improbable. David had now been dead near nine hundred years, and what is told of this treasure, supposes it to have been buried with him all this time. It supposes, that as oft as the city of Jerusalem, the palace, and the temple, during the reigns of the kings of Judah, had been plundered of all their wealth and treasure by prevailing enemies, this dead stock still remained safe from all rifle or violation. It supposes, that as oft as these kings were forced to take all the treasure that was found in the house of the Lord, as well as in their own, to relieve the exigencies of the state, they never meddled with this, that was uselessly buried with David in his grave. It supposes, that when one of the worst of their kings, (2 Kings xv. 8, &c. and 2 Chron. xxviii. 28, &c.) plundered the temple of its sacred vessels, and cut them in pieces, to melt them down into money for his common occasions; and that when one of the best of them, (2 Kings xviii. 15, 16,) was forced to cut off the gold wherewith the gates and pillars of the temple were overlaid, to bribe a destroying enemy, this useless treasure still continued untouched. Nay, it supposes that when Nebuchadnezzar destroyed both the city and The Jews were not to march or journey on the sabbath, or on such a great festival as was equivalent to the sabbath, any farther than a sabbath day's journey, or 2000 cubits. See the note on XX. 8. joined battle with Arsaces, king of Parthia, he lost a great part of his army; and was himself slain. And his brother Demetrius succeeded in the kingdom of Syria, by the permission of Arsaces; who freed him from his captivity, at the same time that Antiochus attacked Parthia. CHAP. IX. OF THE EXPEDITION OF HYRCANUS AGAINST SYRIA, AND HIS CON CLUSION OF A LEAGUE WITH THE ROMANS-ALSO OF THE DEATH OF KING DEMETRIUS AND ALEXANDER. WHEN Hyrcanus *heard of the death of Antiochus, he presently made an expedition against the cities of Syria; hoping to find them destitute of fighting men, and of such as were able to defend them. However, it was not till the sixth month that he took Medaba, and that not without the great distress of his army. After this he took Samega, and the neighbouring places. And besides these, Shechem, and Gerizzim, and the nation of the Cutheans, who dwelt at the temple which resembled that temple which was at Jerusalem; and which Alexander permitted Sanballat, the general of his army, to build, for the sake of Manasseh, who was son-in-law to Jaddua, the high-priest; as we have formerly related. Which temple was now deserted, Stwo hundred years after it was built. Hyrcanus also took Dora, and Marissa, cities of Idumea; and subdued all the Idumeans; and permitted them to stay in that country, if they would adopt the rite of circumcision, and make use of the laws of the Jews. And they were so desirous of living in the country of their forefathers, that they submitted. At which time, therefore, this befell them, that they were hereafter no other than Jews. But Hyrcanus, the high-priest, was desirous to * An. 130. †Those within the limits of Judea. See Book XI. chap. 8. § It was exactly 202 years, viz. from An. 332 to An. 130 B. C. This account of the Idumeans admitting circumcision, and the entire Jewish law, from this time, or from the days of Hyrcanus, is confirmed by their subsequent history. See XIV. 8. XV. 7. XVII.-12. Of the War, II. 3. IV. 4. This, in the opinion of Josephus, made them proselytes of justice, or entire Jews; as here and elsewhere, XIV. 8. So Dio, XXXVII. page 41. However, Antigonus, the enemy of Herod, though Herod were derived from such a proselyte of justice for several generations, will allow him to be no more than a half Jew, XIV. 15. But still take out of Dean Prideaux, at the year 129, the words of Ammonius, which fully confirm this account of the Idumeans in Josephus. "The Jews," says he, "are such by nature, and from the beginning; while the Idumeans were not Jews from the beginning, but Phoenicians and Syrians; but being afterward subdued by the Jews, and compelled to be circumcised, and to unite into one nation, and to be subject to the same laws, they were called Jews." Dio also says, as the Dean there quotes renew that league of friendship they had with the Romans. Accordingly he sent an ambassage to them. And when the senate had received their epistle, they made a league of friendship with them, after the manner following: "Fanius, the son of Marcus, the prætor, gathered the senate together, on the eighth day before the ides of February, in the senate-house: when Lucius Manlius, the son of Lucius, of the Mentine tribe, and Caius Sempronius, the son of Caius, of the Falernian tribe, were present. The occasion was that the ambassadors sent by the **people of the Jews, Simon the son of Dositheus, Apollonius the son of Alexander, and Diodorus the son of Jason, who were good and virtuous men, had somewhat to propose about that league of friendship and mutual assistance which subsisted between them and the Romans; and about other public affairs: who desired that Joppa, and the havens, and Gazara, and the springs of Jordan, and the several other cities and countries of theirs, which Antiochus had taken from them in the war, contrary to the decree of the senate, might be restored to them: and that it might be lawful for the king's troops to pass through their country, and the countries of those that are subject to them. And that what attempts Antiochus had made during that war, without the decree of the senate, might be made void; and that they would send ambassadors, who should take care that restitution be made them of what Antiochus had taken from them; and that they should make an estimate of the country that had been laid waste in the war; and that they would grant them letters of protection to the kings, and free people; in order to their quiet return home. It was therefore decreed, as to these points, to renew their him, from Book XXXVI. page 37, "That country is called Judea, and the people Jews. And this name is given also to as many others as embrace their religion, though of other nations." But then upon what foundation so good a governor as Hyrcanus took upon him to compel these Idumeans either to become Jews or to leave their country, deserves great consideration. I sup. pose it was because they had long ago been driven out of the land of Edom, and had seized on and possessed the tribe of Simeon, and all the southern parts of the tribe of Judah; which was the peculiar inheritance of the worshippers of the true God, without idolatry: as the reader may learn from Reland, Palestin. part I. page 154, 305, and from Prideaux at the years 740 and 165. Nor do I remember that ever the like violence was used by him or his predecessors, with any country, which was not a part of that promised land: though the other kings after him intended it to all their conquests in or out of that promised land. See Prideaux at the year 106, and Antiq. XIII. 15. ¶ An. 128. ** In this decree of the Roman senate, it seems, that these ambassadors were sent from the people of the Jews, as well as from their prince or high-priest, John Hyrcanus. league of friendship and mutual assistance with these good men, who were sent by a good and a friendly people.' But as to the letters desired, their answer was, that the senate would consult about that matter, when their own affairs would give them leave: and that they would endeavour, for the time to come, that no like injury should be done them: and that their prætor Fanius should give them money out of the public treasury, to bear their expenses home. And thus did Fanius dismiss the Jewish ambassadors, and gave them money out of the public treasury; and gave the decree of the senate to those that were to conduct them, and to take care that they should return home in safety. And thus stood the affairs of Hyrcanus, the high-priest. But as for king Demetrius, who was inclined to make war against Hyrcanus, there was no opportunity for it; while both the Syrians, and the soldiers bare ill-will to him, because he was an ill man. But when they had sent ambassadors to Ptolemy Physcon, that he would send them one of the family of Seleucus, in order to take the kingdom; and he had sent them Alexander, who was called Zebina, with an army, and there had been a battle between them, Demetrius was defeated, and fled to Cleopatra, his wife, to Ptolemais; but his wife would not receive him. He went thence to Tyre, and was there caught; and *when he had suffered much from his enemies, he was slain by them. So Alexander took the kingdom, and made a league with Hyrcanus. Yet when Alexander afterward fought with Antiochus, the son of Demetrius, who was called Grypus, he was also defeated and slain.† CHAP. X. UPON THE QUARREL BETWEEN ANTIOCHUS GRYPUS AND ANTIOCHUS CYZICENUS RESPECTING THE KINGDOM, HYRCANUS TAKES AND DEMOLISHES SAMARIA; AND AFTERWARD JOINS HIMSELF TO THE SECT OF THE SADDUCEES. WHEN Antiochus had taken the kingdom, he was afraid to make war against Judea; because he heard that his brother by the same mother, who was also called Antiochus, was raising an army against him out of Cyzicum. So he stayed in his own land; and resolved to prepare himself * This clause, that Demetrius suffered much from his enemies before his death, is noted here by Dr. Hudson to disagree with the accounts of Trogus Pompeius in Justin; and with Porphyry. Whether Josephus or those authors were here imposed upon, cannot now be determined. But if this were a part of the Chronicles of John Hyrcanus, a most authentic and contemporary record, as it seems to be, there is no doubt but Josephus's account ought to be preferred. for the attack he expected from his brother, who was called Cyzicenus; because he had been brought up in that city. He was the son of Antiochus, called Soter, who died in Parthia. He was the brother of Demetrius, the father of Grypus. For it had so happened, that one and the same Cleopatra was married to two, who were brethren: as we have related elsewhere. But Antiochus Cyzicenus coming into Syria, continued many years at war with his brother. Now Hyrcanus lived all this while in peace. For after the death of Antiochus, he revolted from the Macedonians; nor did he any longer pay them the least regard; either as their subject, or their friend: but his affairs were in a very improving and flourishing condition in the time of Alexander Zebina, and especially under these brethren. For the war which they had with one another gave Hyrcanus an opportunity of enjoying himself in Judea quietly; insomuch that he got an immense quantity of money. However, when Antiochus Cyzicenus distressed his land, he then openly showed what he meant. And when he saw that Antiochus was destitute of Egyptian auxiliaries, and that both he and his brother were in an ill condition in the struggles they had one with another; he despised them both. So he made an expedition against Samaria; which was a very strong city; of whose present name Sebaste, and its rebuilding by Herod, we shall speak at a proper time. But he made his attack against it, and besieged it with a great deal of pains. For he was displeased with the Samaritans, for the injuries they had done to the people of Marissa, a colony of the Jews, and confederate with them; and this in compliance with the kings of Syria. When he had therefore drawn a ditch, and built a double wall round the city, which was eighty furlongs long, he set his sons Antigonus and Aristobulus over the siege. This brought the Samaritans to such great distress by famine, that they were forced to eat what used not to be eaten; and to call for Antiochus Cyzicenus to help them. Accordingly he came to their assistance; but was beaten by Aristobulus: and when he was pursued as far as Scythopolis by the two brethren, he got away. So they returned to Samaria, and shut them again within the wall, till they were forced |