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to send for the same Antiochus a second time to || were in Egypt, and Cyprus. For Cleopatra, the help them. He then procured about six thousand men from Ptolemy Lathyrus, which were sent them without his mother's consent, who had then in a manner turned him out of his government. With these Egyptians Antiochus at first overran and ravaged the country of Hyrcanus, after the manner of a robber: for he durst not meet him openly to fight with him; as not having an army sufficient for that purpose: but only from this supposal, that by thus harassing his land he should force Hyrcanus to raise the siege of Samaria. But because he fell into snares, and lost many of his soldiers therein, he went away to Tripoli, and committed the prosecution of the war against the Jews to Callimander and Epicrates.

But Callimander attacked the enemy too rashly, and was put to flight, and destroyed immediately. And as to Epicrates, he was such a lover of money, that he openly betrayed Scythopolis and other places near it to the Jews: but was not able to make them raise the siege of Samaria. And when Hyrcanus had taken that city, after a year's siege, he demolished it entirely; and brought rivulets to it to drown it. For he dug such hollows as might let the water run under it. Nay, he took away the very marks that there had ever been such a city there. Now a very surprising thing is related of this high-priest, Hyrcanus; how God came to discourse with him. For they say that on the very same day on which his sons fought with Antiochus Cyzicenus, he was alone in the temple, as high-priest, offering incense, and heard a *voice, informing him, that his sons had just then overcome Antiochus. And this he openly declared before all the multitude upon his coming out of the temple. And it accordingly proved

true.

Now it happened at this time, that not only those Jews who were at Jerusalem and in Judea were in prosperity, but also those of them who

* The oracle of Urim. See the note on Book III. chap. 8. † Book XII. chap. 9.

We may observe here, that this and nine more of Josephus's citations out of Strabo, are not now extant: nay, that no more than one of his ten citations out of him are now extant: which is that taken out of his geography. The occasion is evident; that though Strabo's geography be extant, yet are all his historical writings lost. See Fabricius on Strabo, Biblioth. Græc. IV. 1, 7.

§ The origin of the Sadducees, as a considerable party, among the Jews, being contained in this and the two following sections, take Dean Prideaux's note upon this their first public appearance: which I suppose to be true. "Hyrcanus," says he, "went over to the party of the Sadducees; that is, by embracing their doctrine against the traditions of the elders, added to the written law, and made of equal authority with it: but not their doctrine against the resurrection, and a future state. For this cannot

queen, was at variance with her son Ptolemy Lathyrus; and appointed for her generals Chelcias and Ananias, the sons of that Onias who built the temple in the prefecture of Heliopolis, like to that at Jerusalem; as we have felsewhere related. Cleopatra intrusted these men with her army; and did nothing without their advice; as Strabo of Cappadocia attests, when he saith thus, " Now the greater part, both those that came to Cyprus with us, and those that were sent afterward thither, revolted to Ptolemy immediately. Only those that were called Onias's party, being Jews, continued faithful: because their countrymen Chelcais and Ananias were in chief favour with the queen."

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This prosperous state of affairs however moved the Jews to envy Hyrcanus; but they that were the worst disposed to him were the SPharisees, who are one of the sects of the Jews, as we have observed already. These have so great a power over the multitude, that when they say any thing against the king, or against the high-priest, they are presently believed. Now Hyrcanus was a disciple of theirs; and greatly beloved by them. And when he once invited them to a feast, and entertained them very kindly; when he saw them in a good humour, he began to say to them, that they knew he was desirous to be a righteous man, and to do all things whereby he might please God: which was the profession of the Pharisees also. However, he desired that if they observed him offending in any point, and going out of the right way, they would recall him back, and correct him. On this occasion they attested to his being entirely virtuous; with which commendation he was well pleased. But still there was one of his guests there, whose name was ¶Eleazar, a man of an ill temper, and delighting in seditious practices. This man said: "Since thou desirest to know the truth, if thou wilt be righteous in earnest, lay down thy high-priesthood, and content thyself

be supposed of so good and righteous a man as John Hyrcanus is said to be. It is most probable, that at this time the Sadducees had gone no farther in the doctrines of that sect, than to deny all their unwritten traditions, which the Pharisees were so fond of. For Josephus mentions no other difference at this time between them: neither doth he say that Hyrcanus went over to the Sadducees in any other particular than in the abolishing of all the traditionary constitutions of the Pharisees: which our Saviour condemned as well as they."

Chap. 5.

This slander, that arose from a Pharisee, has been preserved by their successors, the Rabbins, to these latter ages. For Dr. Hudson assures us, that David Ganz, in his Chronology, S. Pr. page 77, in Vorstius's version, relates that Hyrcanus's mother was taken captive in mount Modiith. See chap. 13, and Reland in Palæstin. page 901.

with the civil government of the people." And when he desired to know for what cause he ought to lay down the high-priesthood; the other replied, "We have heard it from old men, that thy mother had been a captive under the reign of Antiochus Epiphanes." This story was false: and both Hyrcanus and all the Pharisees had a very great indignation against him.

Now there was one Jonathan, a great friend of Hyrcanus's, but of the sect of the Sadducees;* whose notions are quite contrary to those of the

Pharisees. He told Hyrcanus that "Eleazar had cast such a reproach upon him according to the common sentiments of all the Pharisees:† and that this would be made manifest if he would but ask them the question, what punishment they thought this man merited? For that he might depend upon it, that the reproach was not laid on him with their approbation; if they were for punishing him as his crime deserved. So the Pharisees made answer, that he deserved stripes and bonds; but that it did not seem right

In what sense the Sadducees denied the existence of angels, self from the rest of the people, by a greater degree of holiness it is difficult to determine, since they certainly acknowledged the and piety, but accompanied with very much affectation and authority of the Pentateuch. Some pretend, that they accounted abundance of vain observances. Vide Lamy's Introduction, and the invention of angels but a novel thing, and that their very Prideaux's Connection. At what time this sect began first to name was never heard of, until the return from the captivity, and appear, is no easy matter to determine. Josephus makes mentherefore they rejected them; whilst others suppose, that they tion of them in the government of Jonathan, a hundred and looked upon them as the inseparable powers of God, which, like forty years before Christ, as a very powerful body of men at the rays of the sun, without being parted from that planet, shine that time; nor is it improbable, that their origin was somewhat and shed their influence here below. But now considering that earlier, and that, as soon as the Sadducees discovered their printhe Sadducees received the five books of Moses, they could ciples to the world, these men of different sentiments might not hardly entertain any such notions as these. As therein they read long after rise up in opposition to them: for it is evident from of frequent apparitions of angels, they could not fancy them a the character which the Jewish historian gives of them, that in new invention of Rabbins that had returned from the captivity. the main articles of their belief, they were entirely repugnant As they saw in these books, that they properly came down from to the Sadducees. Joseph. de Bello Jud. lib. II. c. 12. The heaven upon earth, they could not imagine that they were beings Pharisees believe in a fate, says he, and attribute all things to inseparable from the Deity; and therefore we may suppose, that it, but nevertheless they acknowledge the freedom of man; but they rather looked upon them only as so many phantasms; and how they made these two apparent incompatibles consist together, that, as the bodies, which these angels put on, had perhaps only is nowhere sufficiently explained. They teach, that God will the appearance of human bodies, the same notion they might have one day judge the world, and punish or reward men according of the spirits which animated them; because every thing except to their merits. They maintain, that souls are immortal, and God, in their opinion, was material. Basnage's History of the that, in the other world, some will be shut up in an eternal to prison, and others sent back again; but with this difference, that be difficult, seems to be of a contrary opinion, 1st, Because the Sadducees taught and prayed in the temple, where the prophets, wicked men into the bodies of beasts; which exactly agrees and other holy writers, were read, as appears from the example with the famous transmigration of Pythagoras. Their adherence of Christ who explained a passage out of Isaiah. 2dly, Because to the law was so exact, that, for fear of violating the least preJosephus, who ought to have been well acquainted with the cept of it, they scrupulously observed every thing that had the principles of his sect, relates of them, (lib. VI. c. 9,) that they least relation to it, even though the law had neither commanded received what was written. And, 3dly, Because the Pharisees, nor forbidden them. Their zeal for the traditions of the elders in their disputes with them about the doctrine of the resurrec- was such, that they derived them from the same fountain with tion, quote, not only the writings of Moses, but those of the the written word itself, pretending, that Moses received both prophets likewise, and other hagiographers, whose authority the of them from God on mount Sinai, and therefore ascribing an others do not deny, but only endeavour to elude the force of the equal authority to both. They had a notion, that good works passages that are hence produced against them. Upon the whole, were meritorious; and therefore they invented a great number therefore, Scaliger (Elench. Tribær, c. 16.) is of opinion, that of supererogatory ones, upon which they valued themelves more these Sadducees did not absolutely reject all the sacred writings, than upon a due observance of the law itself. Their frequent but rather looked upon them as books composed by holy men, washings and ablutions, Matt. vi. 52, &c. their long prayers in whose memoirs they reverenced, though they could not believe public places, Luke vii. 39, their nice avoidance of reputed them of the like authority with the law of Moses, which to sinners, their fasting and great abstinence, their penance and them was the only rule of faith. But notwithstanding this, "the mortification, their minute payment of tithes, their strict observ. account which is given us in the Gospel, (says the learned ance of the Sabbath, and ostentatious enlargement of phylac Prideaux,) of the disputation which Christ had with the Sad- teries, were all works of this kind; which nevertheless gained ducees, plainly proves the contrary. For seeing there are so them such esteem and veneration, that while the common peomany texts in the prophets and hagiographa, which plainly and ple loved, the great ones dreaded them, so that their power and directly prove a future state, and the resurrection from the dead, authority in the state was considerable though generally attendno other reason can be given why Christ waived all these proofs, ed with pernicious consequences, because their hearts were and drew his argument only by consequence, from what is said evil: for notwithstanding their show of mighty zeal and great in the law, but that he knew, that the Sadducees had rejected austerity, they were, in reality, no better than what our Saviour the prophets and the hagiographa, and therefore would admit of calls them, vain and ostentatious, spiteful and malicious, griping no arguments, but from the law only." Anno 107. B. and voracious, lovers of themselves only, and despisers of others; insomuch, that it was hard to say which was most predominant in them, their insatiable avarice, their unsupportable pride, or abominable hypocrisy. B.

Jews, lib. I. c. 6. Mr. Basnage, though he allows the quests the those of good men shall enter into the bodies of men, those of

†The Pharisees were so called from the Hebrew word Pharas, which signifies to separate; because the prevailing passion, or rather ambition, of this sect, was to distinguish and separate it

CHAP. XI.

OF THE SUCCESSION OF ARISTOBULUS TO THE GOVERNMENT; HIS AB-
SUMPTION OF REGAL HONOURS; HIS CRUELTY TO HIS MOTHER AND
HIS BRETHREN; AND HIS MISERABLE DEATH.

to punish reproaches with death. And indeed the || our description: that we may thence learn, how Pharisees, even upon other occasions, are not apt much they were inferior to their father's happito be severe in punishments. At this gentle sen- ness. tence Hyrcanus was very angry; and thought that this man reproached him by their approbation. It was this Jonathan, who chiefly irritated him, and influenced him so far, that he made him leave the party of the Pharisees, and abolish the decrees they had imposed on the people; and to punish those that observed them. From this source arose that hatred, which he and his sons met with from the multitude. But of these matters we shall speak hereafter. What I would now explain is this, that the Pharisees have delivered to the people, a great many observances by succession from their fathers, which are not written in the laws of Moses: and for that reason it is, that the sect of the Sadducees reject them; and say, that we are to esteem those observances to be obligatory which are in the written word; but are not to observe what are derived from the tradition of our forefathers. And concerning these things it is that great disputes and differences have arisen among them. The Sadducees are able to persuade none but the rich, and have not the populace obsequious to them: but the Pharisees have the multitude on their side. But about these two sects, and that of the Essenes, I have treated accurately in the *second book of Jewish affairs.

WHEN Hyrcanus was dead, his eldest son, Aristobulus, intending to change the government into a kingdom, first of all put a diadem upon his head, four hundred and eighty-one years and three months after the people had been delivered from the Babylonish slavery, and were returned to their own country again. This Aristobulus loved his next brother Antigonus, and treated him as his equal: but the others he held in bonds. He also cast his mother into prison; because she disputed the government with him; for Hyrcanus had left her to be mistress of all. He even proceeded to that degree of barbarity, as to starve her to death in prison. Nay, he was alienated from his brother Antigonus by calumnies, and added him to the rest whom he slew; yet he seemed to have an affection for him, and made him above the rest a partner with him in the kingdom. Those calumnies he at first did not give credit to: partly because he loved him, and so did not give heed to what was said against him: and partly because he thought the reproaches were derived from the envy of the relaters. But when Antigonus was once returned from the army, and the feast of tabernacles was at hand, it happened that Aristobulus was fallen sick, and that Antigonus went

After Hyrcanus had put an end to this sedition, he lived happily, and administered the government in the best manner for thirty-one years; and then died: leaving behind him five sons. He was esteemed by God worthy of three of the great-up most splendidly adorned, and with his soldiers est privileges: the government of his nation, the dignity of the high-priesthood, and prophecy. For God was with him, and enabled him to know futurities and to foretell this in particular, that as to his two eldest sons, he foretold that they would not long continue in the government of public affairs. Their unhappy catastrophe will be worth

See of the War, Book II. chap. 8.
From An. 136 to An. 107 B. C.

Here ends the high-priesthood, and the life of this excellent person, John Hyrcanus: and together with him, the Holy Theocracy, or Divine Government of the Jewish nation; and its concomitant oracle by Urim. Now follows the profane and tyrannical Jewish monarchy; first of the Asmoneans, or Maccabees, and then of Herod the Great, the Idumean; till the coming of the Messiah. See the note on III. 8. Hear Strabo's testimony on this occasion, XVI. page 761, 762. "Those," says he, "that succeeded Moses continued for some time in earnest, both in righteous actions, and in piety. But after a while, there were others that took upon them the high-priesthood; at first superstitious, and afterwards tyrannical persons. Such a prophet was Moses, and those that succeeded him: beginning in a way not to be blamed; but changing for the worse. And when it openly

about him in their armour, to the temple; to celebrate the feast, and to offer up prayers for the recovery of his brother. Now some wicked persons who had a great mind to raise a difference between the brethren, made use of this opportunity of the pompous appearance of Antigonus, and of the great actions which he had done; and went

appeared that the government was become tyrannical, Alexander was the first that set up himself for a king, instead of a priest: and his sons were Hyrcanus and Aristobulus." This is in perfect agreement with Josephus: excepting that Strabo omits the first king, Aristobulus; who reigning but a single year, seems hardly to have come to his knowledge. Nor indeed does Aristobulus, the son of Alexander, pretend that the name of king was taken before his father Alexander took it himself, XIV. 3. See also chap. 12, which favours Strabo also. Also indeed, if we may judge from the very different characters of the Egyptian Jews under high-priests, and of the Palestine Jews under kings, in the two next centuries; we may well suppose, that the divine Shechinah was removed into Egypt; and that the worshippers at the temple of Onias were better men than those at the temple of Jerusalem.

to the king, and spitefully aggravated his pompous show at the feast; and pretended that all these circumstances were not like those of a private person: that these actions were indications of an affectation of royal authority; and that his coming with a strong body of men, must be with an intention to kill him: and that his way of reasoning was this; that it was a silly thing in him, while it was in his power to reign himself, to look upon it as a great favour that he was honoured with a lower dignity by his brother.

ed he should be slain; and a great part of the day is already past: so that I am in danger of proving a false prophet."* As he was saying this, in a melancholy tone, the news came that Antigonus was slain, in a place under ground; which was also called Strato's Tower: or of the same name with that Cesarea which is seated at the sea.

But Aristobulus repented immediately of this slaughter of his brother: on which account his disease increased upon him, and he was disturbed Aristobulus yielded to these imputations: but in his mind, upon the guilt of such wickedness: took care both that his brother should not suspect insomuch that his entrails were corrupted by his him, and that he himself might not run the hazard intolerable pain, and he vomited blood. At which of his own safety: so he ordered his guards to lie time one of the servants that attended upon him, in a certain place that was under ground and and was carrying his blood away, did, by Divine dark; (he himself then lying sick in the tower Providence, as I suppose, slip down, and shed part which was called Antonia ;) and he commanded of his blood at the very place where there were them, that in case Antigonus came in to him un- spots of Antigonus's blood still remaining. And armed, they should not touch any body; but if when there was a cry made by the spectators, as armed, they should kill him. Yet did he send to if the servant had on purpose shed the blood in Antigonus, and desire that he would come unarm- that place; Aristobulus heard it, and inquired ed. But the queen, and those that joined with what the matter was? And as they did not anher in the plot against Antigonus, persuaded the swer him, he was the more earnest to know: it messenger to tell him the direct contrary: how being natural to men to suspect that what is thus his brother had heard, that he had made himself concealed is very bad. So upon his threatening, a fine suit of armour for war, and desired him to and forcing them to speak, they at length told him come to him in that armour; that he might see the truth. Hereupon he shed many tears in that how fine it was. So Antigonus, suspecting no disorder of mind which arose from his conscioustreachery, but depending on the good-will of his ness of what he had done; and gave a deep groan, brother, came to Aristobulus armed, as he used and said, "I am not therefore, I perceive, to be to be, with his entire armour; in order to show it concealed from God, in the impious and horrid to him. But when he was come at a place which crimes I have been guilty of: but a sudden punwas called Strato's Tower, where the passage hap-ishment is coming upon me, for shedding the blood pened to be exceeding dark, the guards slew him. This catastrophe of his demonstrates, that nothing is stronger than envy and calumny; and that nothing does more certainly divide the good-will and natural affections of men than those passions. But here one may take occasion to wonder at one Judas, who was of the sect of the Essenes, and who never missed the truth in his predictions. For this man, when he saw Antigonus passing by the temple, cried out to his companions, and friends, who abode with him, as his scholars, in order to learn the art of foretelling things to come; "It would be good for me to die now; since Antigonus is still alive, and I see him passing by: although I foretold he should die at the place called Strato's Tower, this very day: while yet the place is six hundred furlongs off, where I predict

* Hence we learn, that the Essenes pretended to have rules, whereby men might foretell things to come; and that this Judas the Essene, taught those rules to his scholars. But whether their pretences were of an astrological or magical nature; which

of my relations. And now, O thou most impudent body of mine, how long wilt thou retain a soul, that ought to die, in order to appease the ghosts of my brother, and mother? Why dost thou not give it all up at once? And why do I deliver up my blood drop by drop, to those whom I have so wickedly murdered?" In uttering these last words he died: having reigned one year. He was called a lover of the Grecians; and had conferred many benefits on his own country, and made war against Iturea, and added a great part of it to Judea, and compelled the inhabitants, if they would continue in that country, to be circumcised and to live according to the Jewish laws. He was naturally a man of candour, and of great modesty ; as Strabo bears witness, in the name of Timagenes; who says thus, "This man was a person of candour,

yet in such religious Jews, who were utterly forbidden such arts, is noway probable: or to any Bath Col. spoken of by the later Rabbins or otherwise, I cannot tell. See Of the War, IL 8.

and very serviceable to the Jews: for he added to them a part of the nation of the Itureans, and united them by the bond of circumcision."

CHAP. XII.

OF ALEXANDER'S SUCCESSION TO THE GOVERNMENT; HIS EXPEDITION
AGAINST PTOLEMAIS, AND THE WAR WHICH PTOLEMY LATHYRUS
MADE AGAINST HIM.

WHEN Aristobulus was dead, his wife Salome, who by the Greeks was called Alexandra, liberated his brethren from prison: (for Aristobulus had kept them in bonds, as we have said already:) and made Alexander Janneus king; who was the superior in age, and in moderation. This child happened to be hated by his father, as soon as he was born, and was never permitted to come into his father's sight, till he died. The occasion of which hatred is thus reported. When Hyrcanus chiefly loved the two eldest of his sons, Antigonus and Aristobulus, God appeared to him in his sleep. Of whom he inquired which of his sons should be his successor? Upon God's representing to him the countenance of Alexander, he was grieved that he was to be the heir of all his goods; and suffered him to be brought up in *Galilee. However, God did not deceive Hyrcanus: for after the death of Aristobulus, he took the kingdom; and one of his brethren, who affected the kingdom, he slew but the other, who chose to live private, he held in esteem.

those kings were in the case of wrestlers, who, finding themselves deficient in strength, and yet being ashamed to yield, put off the contest by lying still as long as they can. The only hope they had remaining, was from the kings of Egypt, and from Ptolemy Lathyrus, who came to Cyprus when he was driven from the government of Egypt by Cleopatra his mother. So the people of Ptolemais sent to this Ptolemy Lathyrus; and desired him to come as a confederate, to deliver them, now they were in such danger, out of the hands of Alexander. And the ambassadors gave him hopes, that, if he would pass over into Syria, he would have the people of Gaza on the side of those of Ptolemais; and that Zoilus, with the Sidonians, and many others, would assist them; so that he was elevated at this, and got his fleet ready as soon as possible.

In the mean time, however, Demetrius, one that was of abilities to persuade men to do as he would have them, and a leader of the populace, made those of Ptolemais change their opinions, and said to them, that it was better to run the hazard of being subject to the Jews, than to admit of evident slavery, by delivering themselves up to a master; and besides that, to have not only a war at present, but to expect a much greater war from Egypt. For that Cleopatra would not overlook an army raised by Ptolemy for himself, out of the neighbourhood; but would come against them When Alexander Janneus had settled the gov- with a great army of their own: and this because ernment in the manner that he judged best, he she was labouring to eject her son out of Cyprus made an expedition against Ptolemais. And hav- also; that as for Ptolemy, if he failed of his hopes, ing overcome the men in battle, he shut them up he could still retire to Cyprus: but that they in the city, and sat round about it, and besieged it. would be left in the greatest danger possible. For of the maritime cities there remained only Now Ptolemy, although he had heard of the Ptolemais and Gaza to be conquered; besides change that was made in the people of Ptolemais, Strato's Tower, and Dora, which were held by yet did he still go on with his voyage, and came the tyrant Zoilus. Now while Antiochus †Philo-to the country called Sycamine, and there set his metor, and Antiochus, who was called Cyzicenus, army on shore. This army, including horse and were making war against each other, and destroy-foot, consisted of about thirty thousand men, with ing one another's armies, the people of Ptolemais could have no assistance from them. But when they were distressed with this siege, Zoilus, who possessed Strato's Tower and Dora, and maintained a legion of soldiers, and on occasion of the contest between the kings, affected tyranny himself; came and brought some small assistance to the people of Ptolemais. Nor indeed had the kings such a friendship for them, as that they should hope for any advantage from them. Both

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which he marched near to Ptolemais, and there pitched his camp. But when the people of Ptolemais neither received his ambassadors, nor would hear what they had to say, he was under great concern.

But when Zoilus, and the people of Gaza, came to him, and desired his assistance, because their country was laid waste by the Jews, and by Alexander; Alexander raised the siege, for fear of Ptolemy. And when he had drawn off his army

Judea. See Matt. xxvi. 73. Job vii. 52. Acts ii. 7. Although
another obvious reason occurs also, that he was farther out of
his sight in Galilee, than he would have been in Judea.
The same with Antiochus Grypus, chap. 10.

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