atef, IN atěp "roof". The Tir. pronunciation of the Spanish name Policarpio is Fulicarfiu.

9. Indonesian b.

IN generally remains unchanged in Tirurai, as in Tir. batéu, IN batu "stone"; Tir. labi, Tag. labi "more"; Tir. dob, Tag. loob "in, within"; but it sometimes becomes w (u) when intervocalic, as in Tir. tawen, Bis. tabon "a kind of bird"; Tir. rawen, Bis. gúbon "mist, fog"; Tir. aweu, IN abu "ashes"; Tir. wará <*ěwará, Phil. abága "shoulder"; Tir. wogó <*ěwogó, Phil. abaká.

10. Indonesian k.

An original k remains unchanged in Tirurai initially and finally in dissyllabic root words, e. g., Tir. kúyeu "wood"; ebúk, IN buěk "hair"; but an intervocalic k is retained only exceptionally, as in Tir. sekei, Bis. (Samar) siki "foot"; Tir. sikó, Mgd. siká "cat", and regularly becomes the corresponding sonant g, e. g., Tir. sigeu, IN siku "elbow"; Tir. lágei, Phil. laki “male”; Tir. igor, Phil. ikug (g=RGH cons.) "tail"; Tir. digur, Bis. likud "back, behind"; Tir. (be)gom, Bis. kamú “you”.

IN k also regularly becomes g in accentless prefixes and pronominal suffixes (or enclitics) beginning with IN k, e. g., Tir. i gelimó-nuë, Bis. ikalimá "the fifth"; Tir. úleu gu, Bis. úlu ko "my head"; Tir. úleu go, Bis. úlu ka "your head". In the foregoing examples the original k is, of course, really in intervocalic position, and hence in the same category as the intervocalic k ot the foregoing paragraph, but by analogy this g (k) has been extended so that it may follow any consonant, e. g., Tir. i onok gu, Bis. an anak ko "my son"; Tir. i safut gom (gom Bis. kamú with apocopation of u) "your cloth"; and the original k is retained in the enclitic pronouns only after a', e', o', u' (<an, en, on, un) at the end of the foregoing word, e. g., Tir. sebaa' ku sa "I only"; Tir. libu' ku "my sister".

11. The RGH consonant.1

The RGH consonant appears regularly as r, exceptionally as g, e. g., Tir. bara, Bis. baga "embers"; Tir. igor, Phil. ikug "tail": but Tir. gakit, Ilk. rúkit, Ibanak gákit, Mal. rakit "raft"; Tir. rebá beside gebú, Mal. rebah "fall to ruins". As Tirurai

1 Cf. Conant, The RGH Law in Philippine Languages, JAOS, vol. xxxi, (1910), pp. 70-85.

does not permit both r and within the same root word, an r (<RGH) either assimilates to itself an 7 (of any origin), as in Tir. rebur (<lebur), Mal. lebur, Mgd. lebug, Bis. lubúg, or is (more rarely) itself assimilated to the neighboring 1, as in Tir. lilei (<lirei), Mal. diri, Sang. dihi, Tag. Bis. ha-ligi "post", where the r (<RGH) is assimilated to the initial 7.1

12. The RLD law.

The phenomena of the RLD interchange in Indonesian languages are so varied, and have in so many instances been influenced by the laws of assimilation, dissimilation, and analogy, that their classification in detail is rendered very difficult. As a general rule, the Philippine languages show d initially and finally, and l or r medially, in which latter case some languages, like Tagalog and the Bisaya of Cebú, Negros, Panay, and Mindanao, regularly have 1, exceptionally r (more rarely d), while others, like Bikol and Samar Bisaya, do not admit 7, and have only r, or, exceptionally, d.

The RLD consonant appears as r or d in Tirurai, apparently without regard to its position, but r predominates medially and always occurs initially in the accentless pronominal particles re, ro (Phil. ra, la, da) "of them, their". Initially and finally, d predominates, but even here r appears in some common words where other Philippine languages show only d, e. g., Tir. rúo: Mal., Sulu, Mgd., Bagobo, Bkl., Pang., Ilk., Ibanak, Tagbanwa dua, Bis. duha, Pamp. adicá, Tag. dalawá "two"; Tir. etúr: Phil. *tuěd, Ibk. tuát (written tuád in the Spanish sources), Pamp. tud, Tag., Bis., Bkl., Sulu tuhud "knee". (For the metathesis of Tir. etúr <*tuer, cf. Tir. ebuk: Pang. buék, Pamp. buák, Ilk. book, Tag., Bis., Bkl., Sulu buhuk "hair"). For final. r, cf. Sund. tuur "knee".

Of the many examples of r (RLD) in medial position, the following three will suffice: Tir irun (IN irun ilun: idun) "nose"; Tir. suró (IN sura sula: suda) "concealed barbs"; Tir. árek (Samar Bis. harók, Cebú Bis. halók, Tag. halik, Mgd. alek, Bkl., Bgb. hadók) "sniff, kiss".

Examples of initial d: Tir. dalem (Cebú Bis. dálum, hi-lálum, Ibanak aralám) "within, under"; Tir. dolón (IN ralan lalan: dalan) "road, way".

1 Cf. RGH Law, p. 77.

2 For the g of the RLD series in Ibanak, Pang., Ilk., Karo, Toba, and Mentawai, cf. my RGH Law, p. 83, and the literature there cited.

Examples of final d: Tir. fused (Phil. *pusěd, Jav., Dayak puser, Mal. pusat, Toba pusot, the final t of Toba and Mal. <d [RLD] by law of finals) "navel"; Tir. seged (Tag. sigid, sigir, Bis., Bkl. sugúd, Pamp. asyád) "sting of insect".

Examples of medial d: Tir. sedó (Ibanak, Bkl. sirá, Itawi isira, Tag., Bis. isdá) "fish, meat"; Tir. fedéu (Day. pero, Jav. amperu, Toba pogu, Ilk. apró, Tag., Bis., Bkl. apdu, Malg. aferu) "gall".

Rarely the RLD consonant appears as in Tirurai, as in Tir. lilei (initially, cf. above, 11) and Tir. kilai (Mgd. Ibk. kirái, Tag. kilai, Ilk. kidai) "eyebrow", but this is entirely exceptional and doubtless due to the influence of other words of similar meaning containing an original 7.

13. Indonesian s.

An original s in most words remains unchanged, as in Tir. sigéu (IN siku) "elbow"; Tir. fused "navel"; begás "rice"; but it sometimes becomes h medially and finally, e. g., Tir. rohok (Mal. Ilk. rusuk, Bagobo, Bis. gusuk) "rib"; Tir. liha (Tag. lisá) "nit"; Tir. lowoh (Bis. láwas) "body"; Tir. urah (Toba uras, Ilk. úgas, Sulu hugas) "bathe, wash".

The change of IN s to h also occurs in a few other speech groups of the Philippine Islands, notably in Ifugao (mountains of N. Luzón) where IN s everywhere becomes h,1 e. g., Ifg. hiku (IN siku) "elbow", púha (Ilk., Pamp. púsa) “cat”, ahîn (Tag. asin) "salt". Sambali (Zambales Province, NW. Luzón) also changes IN s to h, but apparently only in initial and final position, e. g., Sbl. hiko (Ifg. hiku, IN siku) "elbow"; Sbl. hiú (Ifg. hía, Tag., Bis. sia) "he, she, it"; Sbl. bitíh (Bkl., Pamp. bitis) "foot, lower leg"; but Sbl. púsa' (Ifg. púha, Tag. púsa') "cat"; Sbl. asin (Ifg. ahin, IN asin) "salt".

In large portions of Samar and Leyte s has been weakened in pronunciation to h, initially, in the Bisaya "articles" and

1 See E. E. Schneider, Notes on the Mangyan Language, Philippine Journal of Science, vol. vii, no. 3, sec. D, Manila 1912, pp. 157-178. I am indebted to this work for the general statement: "Ifg. regularly has h for gen. Phil. s.” (p. 165, no. 17), and for the Ifugao and Sambali examples. The Ifg. examples were furnished Mr. Schneider by Mr. H. Otley Beyer, of the division of ethnology, Bureau of Science, Manila, and the Sbl. words by Mr. Tranquilino Elicaño, a native Sambali from Masinlok, Zambales.

1

pronouns: si, san, sa, siya, sira, and sin'o, but not elsewhere.

This change of s to the mere breathing h is the result of relaxing the occlusion necessary to produce the sibilant, and altho appearing only sporadically and with varying degrees of regularity within Philippine territory and in other IN languages, e. g., Sumbanese and Sawunese, it marks the beginning of a phonetic movement that has been completed in the Polynesian languages, where s has nearly everywhere weakened to h, which itself has in many languages disappeared entirely, e. g., IN siu, siau, siwa "nine" Sumb. siwa or hiwa (s and h interchange in Sumb.), Sawu. heo (h always for IN s), Tonga hiva, Hawaii iwa, Tahiti, Marquesas iva. An IndoEuropean parallel to this change is found in Iranian, Armenian and Greek, e. g., I.-E. *septm, Lat. septem, Skt. saptá, Avestan hapta, Gr. rá. Modern Gr., which still writes the spiritus asper tho it is never pronounced, has suffered the same loss of h as have many of the Polynesian languages, and in intervocalic position it was already lost in classical Attic.

In Armenian an initial I.-E. s sometimes becomes h, as in Arm. hin "old", Skt. súna-s, Lat. senex, Old Irish sen; and is sometimes lost, as in Arm. evt'n, Lat. septem etc.

14. Original g, t, d, m, n, ǹ, and regularly remain unchanged in Tirurai. For the Tir. assimilation of to an r of the same word, see above (11).

1 Cf. N. Romualdez, A Bisayan Grammar, Takloban (Leyte) 1908, p. 7 footnote 2: "The use of s instead of the h in these articles depends upon the place where Bisayan is spoken. In the towns of Burawen, Dúlag, and Abuyog, of the island of Leyte, and in some places in Samar, the h is never used, but the s instead, for these articles. Generally it is con,sidered more solemn to use the s instead of the h in speeches, letters and poetry. But many times it is considered as a ridiculous affectation in places where the h is used".

Pañcadivyadhivāsa or Choosing a King by Divine Will.

By FRANKLIN EDGERTON, Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Md.

1. In the Proceedings of the Royal Asiatic Society of Bengal for November 1891, p. 135 ff., Tawney has called attention to an interesting custom of which he collected some half dozen instances in Hindu literature,1 by which, it is alleged, a king was sometimes chosen by divine lot. The standard situation may be briefly described as follows: The king of a city dies without natural heirs. To choose a new king the emblems of royalty (viz. the state elephant, the horse, the pitcher with the consecrated water, and the chowries) are resorted to, and fate or divine will is supposed to give some sign through their instrumentality, by which someone is selected to rule the

country.

The Kathakosa has three instances: Page 128 (Tawney's translation), "Then the barons had recourse to the five ordeals of the elephant, the horse, and so on. The elephant came into the city park trumpeting. There he sprinkled the prince with the water of inauguration, and taking him (the hero of the story) up in his trunk placed him on his forehead”. The people then hailed the man as king. In this passage only three of the emblems of royalty are specifically mentioned, viz. the elephant, the horse, and the water of consecration. Another story (p. 155) names all five: "Then the ministers had recourse to the five ordeals. The mighty elephant came into the garden outside the city. There the elephant sprinkled Prince Amaradatta and put him on its back. Then the horse neighed. The two chowries fanned the prince. An umbrella was held (i. e. held itself) over his head. A divine voice was heard in the air: Long live King Amaradatta!" The voice

1 Additional instances are given by J. J. Meyer, Hindu Tales, 1909, p. 131 and in his translation of the Dasakumaracarita, 1902, p. 94.