jects (that have been presented to an idol)"; "preliminary purification of an image”.

Finally, Langlois in the note to his French translation of the Harivansa 5994 (vol. I, p. 451) says: "Cette cérémonie s'appelle Adhivāsa ou Adhivāsana. Quand on consacre une idole, on pratique aussi l'Adhivāsa: on prend le riz, les fruits et les autres offrandes pour en toucher le vase d'eau sacrée, puis le front de l'idole en prononçant certains mantras. L'Adhivāsa est la cérémonie par laquelle on invite une divinité à venir habiter une idole."1

I believe the group of words under consideration has nothing whatever to do with vāsa "perfume"; on the contrary adhivāsayati is the causative of vas "dwell" with adhi and means "to cause to dwell in"; the adhivāsa 2 is a ceremony by which a deity or divine power is invoked to take its proper place in a sacred object, either in the image of a god or in some other thing which is to be consecrated to some divine purpose. In the Agnipurana 3 (35. 1) the rite to be performed is in honor of Visnu, and by the adhivusa the god is invoked to take his place in the image before the ceremony. In another passage of the Agnipurana (64. 18; Dutt's transl. i. 234) an image of the water-god Varuna is set up at the dedication of a water tank or reservoir, and the adhivasa is performed, in order that Varuna may come and abide in the image, presiding over the reservoir and so causing it to stay full of water. The Mbh. V. 5135 (= v. 151. 38), prayāsyāmo raṇājiram | adhivāsitaśastrāś ca kṛtakāutumangalāḥ, shows a compound adhivāsitaśastra; the warriors swords are consecrated for a solemn purpose and divine power is invoked to abide in them. In Varahamihira's Bṛhatsamhita we have (60, 15):

1 Strangely enough, in spite of this he translates the adhivasya .. ātmānam of the text by "en parfumant ton corps".

2 Or adhivāsana; the two forms are interchangeable.

3 Dutt's translation, i. 137; Dutt, in the note, defines adhivāsa as a "consecration of an image, especially before the commencement of a sacrificial rite”. 4 Dutt translates: "we shall . . . march to the field of battle after having worshipped our weapons and duly performed all the auspicious ceremonies"; Pratap Chandra Roy: "having... worshipped our weapons (with offerings of flowers and perfumes) we will . . . march to the field of battle"; Fauche: "nous marcherons vers le champ de bataille les armes parfumées des senteurs du sacrifice et toutes les choses de bon augure accomplies avec empressement."

suptām (viz. pratimām) sunṛtyagītāir jāgarakāiḥ samyag evam adhivāsya | dāivajñapradiṣṭe kāle saṁsthāpanaṁ kuryāt. Here the image is regarded as "asleep" (suptām), until "by awakenning dances and songs" the sacrificer has "made (the god) to dwell in it" (adhivāsya) or "completely imbued it (with the divine presence)", whereupon he is to set it up formally at a time prescribed by a soothsayer. A passage from Suśruta (xi. 3) seems to me to support particularly my view. I quote Hoernle's translation (Bibl. Ind., new series, 911, p. 63 f.): "He who wishes to prepare a caustic should, on an auspicious day in the autumn, after purifying himself and fasting, (select) a large-sized, middle-aged, uninjured Muşkaka tree, bearing dark flowers and growing in an auspicious spot on a (lonely) mountain, and perform the adhivāsana or 'preliminary ceremony', saying the following incantation: 'Oh thou tree of fiery power! Thou of great power! May thy power not be lost! Oh thou auspicious one, stay even here and accomplish my work! When once my work is done, then thou mayest go to heaven!"; later the worshipper cuts off such pieces of the tree as he needs to prepare the caustic.2 The mantra here quoted in connection with the adhivasana-ceremony seems to me to make its nature and purpose clear. The magic or divine power which is supposed to reside in the tree is commanded to dwell and remain in it till the purpose of the performer is accomplished.3

1 Jägarakaiḥ (var. lect. jāgarikāiḥ and jāgaraṇāiḥ) is an adjective. Kern wrongly translates it as noun (Journal Royal As. Soc., new series, vi. 334): "after the sleeping idol has been consecrated with wakes, dancing, and song"; so also both Petersburg Lexicons: "das Wachen".

2 In the foot-note Hoernle adds: "The adhivasana is an oblation (balikarman) accompanied with an incantation (mantra). According to the commentaries, Bhōja gives the following directions and incantation: 'He should there, with his face to the east, offer an oblation and then, on all four sides, with joined palms, devoted mind, and pure body, addressing the tree, repeat (the following words): "Whatever spirits may inhabit this tree, let them depart hence; for to-morrow this tree is to be cut for a high object."'"

3 It is noteworthy that in all the passages where the adhivāsana ceremony is mentioned, so far as I have discovered, no reference is made to perfumes, although the frequent use of fragrant substances at religious ceremonies in India would make such references not at all surprising. In any event the employment of perfumes at the adhivāsana would be a mere accident, without any bearing on the original meaning of this ceremony.

166 Edgerton, Pañcadivyadhivāsa or Choosing a King &c. [1913.

Harivansa 5994 contains the gerund adhivāsya, and the noun adhivāsana occurs in the same text at vs. 6026 below. The text in the first passage is doubtful (see BR. s. v. vāsay

adhi), and neither passage is perfectly clear to me as to meaning. There is, however, certainly nothing in the context to uphold Langlois' translation "parfumant" for adhivāsya (vide supra). If the reading of the Calcutta edition of 1839 be kept in vs. 5994, I should interpret adhivāsyä 'tmanā 'tmānam as "imbuing yourself with (your divine) nature (essence or power)", "dedicating yourself". If we accept the reading of the "neuere Ausgabe"1 quoted by the Petersburg Dictionary, adhivāsyā 'dya cā 'tmānam, it seems to mean simply "consecrating yourself" -the same thing in the ultimate outcome although the development of the idea does not show itself so clearly. The later verse, 6026, contributes nothing to an understanding of the problem.

The phrase pañcadivyāny adhivāsitāni, then, means "the five divine instruments were imbued (with the superhuman power they were expected to use)", "they were consecrated". This meaning accords well with the pañcadivyāny abhiṣiktāni of the Parisiṣṭaparvan. The neuter noun divya is frequently found in the law-books in the sense of "ordeal". In our passages the word is used in a concrete instead of an abstract sense. Instead of "divine ordeal or test" it means "the instrument of divine test".2

1 I have no access to this later lithographed edition.

2 Hence I prefer Tawney's "ordeal" to Jacobi's "die fünf königlichen Insignien".

Tablets from Dréhem in the Public Library of Cleveland, Ohio.-By MARY INDA HUSSEY, Cambridge, Mass.

From the large number of tablets that have come to light as the result of recent clandestine excavations by the Arabs, ten are to be found in the Public Library of Cleveland, Ohio, having been presented by Mr. John G. White of that city. They are said to have come from Dréhem 1, a ruin in the neighborhood of Nippur; but the name of the month Sunumun follows the nomenclature used at Umma (Jocha) and at Lagash (Tello), and there is reason to suppose that number one of this collection came from Jocha.

The Dréhem tablets are acknowledged by all to be the accounts of the stock-pens at Dréhem which supplied some great sanctuary, in all probability the temple of Ellil at Nippur, with cattle for its sacrifices. Attention has also been called to the large number of Semitic names, and Genouillac has pointed out the conclusion, namely, that Dréhem was near cities with a Semitic population, who sent their offerings to the Sumerian sanctuary. The Semitic names in these tablets are: Dun-gi-i-li, 5 Ob. 4 | Gimil-E-a, 4 Ob. 2 | Gimil-d Sin, 9 Ob. 5, Rev. 6: 10 Rev. 9, both seal impressions Col. 11 | I-din

1 Some 430 tablets from Dréhem have been published, as follows: “La Trouvaille de Dréhem", in Rev. d'Assyr., t. 7 (1909-10), pp. 186 -191 (13 tablets). "L'Ordre des Noms de Mois sur les tablettes de Dréhem", ibid., t. 8 (1911), pp. 84-88 (2 tablets), by Fr. ThureauDangin. Tablettes de Dréhem, 1911 (175 tablets); La Trouvaille de Dréhem, 1911 (91 tablets), by H. de Genouillac. Tablets from the Archives of Dréhem, 1911 (67 tablets), by S. Langdon. "Tablettes de Dréhem". by L. Delaporte in Rev. d'Assyr., t. 8 (1911), pp. 183-198 (22 tablets). Cuneiform Texts, Part XXXII, 1912 (31 tablets), copies by L. W. King. "Tablettes de Dréhem à Jerusalem", by P. Dhorme in Rev. d'Assyr., t. 9 (1912), pp. 39-66 (42 tablets).

Da-gán, 5 Ob. 6 | La-ma-za-tum, 1 Rev. 2

Na-ra-am-É-a,

5 Ob. 7 Nu-ùr-Sin, 6 Rev. 5: 7 Rev. 6: 8 Rev. 9, Seal, line 1: 10 Rev. 6, Seal on left edge of Rev., Col. 21 | Šamasba-ni, 5 Ob. 8 Wa-da-ru-um, 5 Ob. 11.

The tablets published here range in date from the year x+32 of Dungi to the 9th year Gimil-Sin.

Description of Tablets.

1. Debit and credit account (sag nig-gar-ra-kam šag-bi-ta ** zi(g)-ga) of the sheep fold (é-udu) concerning 165 qa of barley, in the month Su-numun, the year Anšan was destroyed (Dungi x+32).

2. Account of the delivery of a large number (600 + 600 +[]) of sheep and goats by Nalul during the last six months of the year Urbillu was destroyed (Dungi x + 43). [Še]kin-k[ud] is the last month of the year Dungi x + 43, as has been noted by Thureau-Dangin 2 for the years x + 27, x + 30, x + 39, x + 40 of Dungi and the years 1 and 3 of Bûr-Sin.

1 Cf. ZA. XXV, p. 330; BA VI, 5, p. 71; Inventaire des tablettes de Tello I, p. 19, n. 1; Hilprecht Anniversary Volume, p. 200; Genouillac, Tablettes de Dréhem, no. 5544 sqq.; Babyloniaca, VI (1912), p. 43. 2 Cf. Rev. d'Assyr. t. 8, p. 86.