Pliny and Tacitus were great friends. Helvedius, a friend of Tacitus, was put to death by Domitian on the accusation of Publicius Cortus, a very influential informer. After the accession of Nerva, Pliny resolved to avenge this outrage. accused Publicius before the Senate and had him suspended from his office and deprived of further promotion. These incidents reveal the real character of Domitian's persecution.

In the year 100, Trajan made Pliny Consul, and eleven years later sent him to Bithynia as Governor of the Province. He found in Bithynia numerous persons calling themselves Christians, against whom accusations were laid by informers. As the accusation and crime of Christianity were new to him, he wrote the following letter to Trajan:

SIR,

"It is my constant method to apply myself to you for the solution of all my doubts, for who can better reply to my hesitancy or instruct my ignorance. I have never been present at the examination of Christians; therefore I am ignorant of the nature and extent of the punishment due to them, and the judicial proceedings. Nor are my doubts small whether there be not a distinction to be made between the ages, and whether tender youth ought to have the same punishment with strong men? Whether there be not room for pardon on repentance? or whether it may not be an advantage to one that has been a Christian, that he has forsaken Christianity? Whether the bare name, without any crimes besides, or the crimes adhering to that name, be punishable? In the meantime I have taken this course about those who have been brought before me as Christians. I asked them whether they were Christians or not? If they confessed that they were Christians, I asked them again, and a third time, mingling threatenings with the questions. If they persevered in their confessions, I ordered them to be executed; for I did not doubt but, let their confession be of any sort whatever, their positiveness and inflexible obstinacy deserved to be punished. There have been some of this mad sect whom I took notice of in particular as Roman citizens, that they might be sent to that city. After some time, as is usual in such examinations, the crime spread itself, and many more cases came before me. An accusation was sent to me, though without an author, containing many names. These denied that they were Christians now, or ever had been. They called upon the Gods and supplicated to your image, which I caused to be brought to me. for that purpose, with frankincense and wine; they also cursed Christ; none of which things, it is said, can any of those who are really Christians, be compelled to do; so I thought fit to let them go. Others of them that were named in the accusation said they were Christians, but presently denied it again; that indeed they had been Christians, but had ceased to be so, some three years, some many more; and one there was that said he had not been so these twenty years. All these worshipped your image and the images of

our Gods; these also cursed Christ. However, they assured me that the main of their fault or of their mistake, was this: That they were wont on a stated day to meet together before it was light, and to sing a hymn to Christ, as to a God, alternately; and to oblige themselves by a sacrament not to do anything that was ill; but that they would commit no theft, or pilfering or adultery; that they would not break their promises, or deny what was deposited with them, when it was required back again; after which it was their custom to depart, and to meet again at a common but innocent meal, which they had left off upon that edict which I published at your command, wherein I had forbidden any such conventicles. These examinations made me think it necessary to inquire by torment what the truth was; which I did of two servant maids, who were called Deaconesses: but still I discovered no more than that they were addicted to a bad and extravagant superstition. Hereupon I have put off my further examinations, and have recourse to you, for the affair seems to be well worth consultation, especially on account of the number of those that are in danger; for there are many of every age and every rank and of both sexes, who are now and hereafter likely to be called to account and to be in danger. For this superstition is spread like a contagion, not only into cities and towns, but into country villages also, which yet there is reason to hope may be stopped and corrected. To be sure the temples which were almost forsaken begin already to be frequented, and the holy solemnities which were long intermitted, begin to be revived. The sacrifices begin to sell well everywhere, of which very few purchasers had of late appeared: whereby it is easy to suppose how great a multitude of men may be amended if place for repentance be admitted."

The most important part of this letter from the point of view of our enquiry, lies in its opening sentences:

"Sollenne est mihi, Domine, omnia, de quibus dubito, ad te referre. Quis enim potest melius vel cunctationem meam regere, vel ignorantiam instruere? Cognitionibus de Christianis interfui nunquam, idio nescio, quid et quatenus aut puniri soleat, aut quaeri."

It is probable that Pliny in his dealings with the Christians of Bithynia was acting under the authority of the institutes of Nero, still extant, against Christianity. But of recent proceedings against them, he was ignorant. Cognitiones was a legal term referring to proceedings before the Senate. On this letter Gibbon makes the following fair comment:

"Pliny had never assisted at any judicial proceedings against the Christians, with whose name alone he seems to be acquainted; and he was totally uninformed with regard to the nature of their guilt, the method of their conviction and the degree of their punishment. . . . We may assure ourselves that when he accepted the government of Bithynia there were no general laws or decrees of the Senate in force against Christians . . . and that whatever proceed

ings had been carried on against Christians, there were none of sufficient weight and authority to establish a precedent for the conduct of a Roman magistrate" (D. and F., I. xvi.).

We may go beyond that and say that Pliny could not have written this letter if Domitian's outbreak had been directed against Christians in the way of religious persecution. He was an able lawyer and had been appointed Prætor, or Chief Magistrate of Rome by Domitian. He was present there when Flavius Clemens, and the other victims of Domitian's fury were slain. If their crime had been the profession of Christianity, Pliny would have known all about the nature of the crime, the legal proceedings in connection with it, and its punishments. His ignorance of these matters is clear proof that Domitian's persecutions were not levelled at Christianity.

Trajan's answer to Pliny's enquiry discloses the fact that no fixed laws were at that time in existence against Christians. Trajan wrote:

"MY PLINY,

"You have taken the method which you ought in examining the causes of those that had been accused as Christians, for indeed no certain and general form of judging can be ordained in this case. These people are not to be sought for; but if they be accused and convicted, they are to be punished; but with this caution, that he who denies himself to be a Christian and makes it plain that he is not one, by supplicating to our Gods, although he had been so formerly, may be allowed pardon on his repentance. As for anonymous informations, they ought to have no place in any accusation whatever, for that would be a thing of very ill example, and not agreeable to my reign."

This rescript of Trajan's became the law as affecting Christians until the time of Marcus Aurelius, who was an active persecutor of the Church.

Neither in Greece, nor in Bithynia, do we find a trace of Domitian's persecution. In the reign of Marcus Aurelius, 161-180 A.D., when Servilius Paulus was Proconsul of Asia, Melito, Bishop of Sardis, wrote to the Emperor a letter (referred to by Eusebius in H. E. iv. 26) protesting against the severe persecution ravaging Asia. ravaging Asia. His Asia comprised the great cities of Asia Minor, Ephesus, Pergamos, and the rest, in which group Sardis was situated.

Writing officially to the Emperor Aurelius, who had enacted fresh laws against the Church, he denies that there had been any persecutions in Hellenised Asia, before his time. Aurelius had the official records of previous reigns in his possession. But, apparently, there was no record of persecution in Asia Minor.

In recent years Roman Archæology has thrown some fresh light on Domitian's persecution. The cemetery of Domitilla, one of the largest and oldest of the Roman Čatacombs, still stands visible on the Via Ardeatina. Its spacious vestibule and wide halls show the wealth of its owners. As Northcote and Brownlow remark, "It shows the sense of liberty and security under which it was erected" (I. 126).

It may have been built by Domitilla on her release and return from Pandataria, in the reign of Nerva, to contain the remains of Flavius Clemens. It bears her name. De Rossi and others have thoroughly investigated the contents of this Catacomb. There is nothing in it to recall the Domitian persecution. On the contrary it appears that it was called for many years the cemetery of Nereus and Achilles, in honour of the first martyrs who were buried in it. These two men were not Domitian martyrs. They were servants of Domitilla, who were put to death in Trajan's reign.

We have seen that there is no record of Domitian's persecution in the early martyrologies. The catacombs of Rome tell the same tale. Acilius Glabrio, the supposed Christian, is said to be interred in the Catacomb of S. Priscilla, on the Via Salaria. De Rossi found there, the place of interment of the line of the Acilii. It included "not only consuls and magistrates of the highest order, but also priests and priestesses, and even children, who were members of the idolatrous college, to which only patricians and their sons were privileged to belong (Allard, Ten Lectures, p. 191). There was no evidence there of Glabrio's Christianity. In the cemetery of S. Nicomedes on the Via Nomentana there is the loculus of the saint, said to be a Domitian martyr, by Alban Butler, who refers us to the Acts of SS. Nereus and Achilleus, Trajan's martyrs.

The fact is the Domitian martyrs were poor men, who were buried without ceremony, anywhere. There was no reason for concealment. The bodies of martyrs were given up to their friends and they could bury them or burn them, as they chose. The slaves and freedmen of Domitian's day, reaped the laurels of Domitian's persecution. But few men besides the martyrs themselves and Clemens Romanus, Bishop of Rome, thought that there was a persecution.

There is nothing in this history to justify the conclusion that S. John was exiled to Patmos in Domitian's reign.

Nerva, who succeeded Domitian, repealed his edicts. He reigned but a few months and passed the sceptre on to his adopted son Trajan. Trajan permitted rather than encouraged persecution. He was involved in Parthian wars which have been described as brilliant failures. A revolt of the Jews at this

period, characterised by brutal massacres in Cyprus, where 240,000 men are said to have been put to death, led to retaliatory massacres, in which large numbers of Jews perished. Trajan was followed by Hadrian, 117-138 A.D. His exterminating war on the Jews has been related. He was followed by Antoninus Pius (138-161 A.D.) who took the part of the persecuted Christians.

It is possible that persecutions of a sporadic and local kind took place from time to time, after the reign of Trajan, whose rescript remained in force.

Marcus Aurelius succeeded Antoninus (160-180 A.D.). He is said to be the author of the fourth persecution. In the year 174, his army, caught in the passes of the Bohemian mountains, was saved from dying of heat and thirst by the prayers of the twelfth legion composed of Christians. A severe thunderstorm brought coolness and water to the Romans and dismayed the enemy, who were beaten. The twelfth got the name of the thundering legion." Dion Cassius mentions this event and it is recorded on the Antonine pillar at Rome. It put a stop to persecution for a time. The next Emperor to claim attention is Septimus Severus (193-211), author of the fifth persecution. In the year 202 he issued a new edict against Christians, who were very severely persecuted, especially in Africa. Christianity had spread so greatly at that time that Tertullian could write to the Emperor, "We fill your cities, your towns, your Senate, and your armies; we leave you only your temples and theatres." Caracalla and Heliogabalus, who followed Septimus (A.D. 211222) disgraced the throne and empire. They were murderedthe usual fate of the Cæsars. Alexander Severus, who followed (222-235) saw the rise of Persia and the fall of Parthia. He in his turn was murdered. Maximin came next (235-238) the author of the sixth persecution. Maximin's persecution was directed against the leaders of the Church, those who "taught " and "governed" it. He was murdered by his soldiers and his body given to the vultures. Gordian and Philip followed. The latter was slain by Decius. At the end of Philip's reign there was a sporadic outburst of persecution at Alexandria. Decius, General of the revolted troops, reigned next, A.D. 249-251. He was the author of the seventh persecution. The Rev. Patrick Healy in the "Catholic Encyclopædia " says of this persecution,

"The object of the Emperor was not the extermination of the Christians but the complete extinction of Christianity itself. Bishops and priests were unconditionally punished with death. To all others was given an opportunity to recant . . . the unexpectedness of the attack, coupled with the fact that an appalling amount of laxity and corruption had manifested themselves during the long peace which