Eager as the party were to attack the appointment of a private secretary, they could not be brought to agree upon the propriety of denying to the representative of the sovereign, on whom all the duties of a king devolved, that assistance that is allowed to every minister of state. With their accustomed wisdom and justice (arising no doubt from a determination to unite in opposing the prince) they made a compromise, and united in a most unaccountable opinion That though a private secretary was necessary, and of consequence, that it was necessary to pay him, yet that it should not be done from the public purse, but from that of his royal master!

This was something like the national assembly of France, who, wishing to insult the king, voted "That though the palace of the Thuilleries had "been granted to his Majesty, as a residence, yet "as no mention had been made of the garden, "which was a garden, and not a palace, though a ❝necessary appendage, it should nevertheless belong to the nation.*"

This decree was passed after repeated threats from the jacobin mob in the gallery. The intention was to give the democrats an opportunity of insulting every person who entered or went from the

When the house of commons was on the point of disgracing itself by this absurd resolution, the prince, with that spirit of dignified conciliation and goodness for which he has been distinguished through life, put an end to the unworthy and absurd contest, by informing those mean economists that he would pay his private secretary out of his private purse.

This was deemed, by those who were blinded by party spirit, as a triumph over the prince, whilst it was in reality the triumph of the prince over the party.

Col. M. has in reality one of the most important places in the nation. It depends on that gentleman what papers shall be delivered, and what shall not be delivered to his Royal Highness; and it is perhaps not saying too much to say, that on him depends in a great measure the numerous and indescribable acts of beneficence which endear a sovereign to his

palace by the great gate, which opened to the garden; it was also useful to insult any of the family that came to any of the windows which looked into that famous national garden. This was about a month before the terrible 10th of August 1782, when the royal family were led to prison, and the menial servants slaughtered in a most cruel manner.

people, or alienate their affections: acts, which though of little importance in themselves, are productive sometimes of the most happy, or of the most unfortunate events.

Carlton-house, without ceasing to be Carltonhouse, is become virtually St. James's palace; and the Prince of Wales, with all the power of a King of England, still lives and appears as Prince of Wales. He has by that means a double opportunity of endearing himself to his people. Col. M. very deservedly enjoys his confidence, and there is no doubt that his good sense, and affectionate attachment, will induce him to communicate to the prince whatever may be for his benefit; and that he will remember, that what it might be wise and well to keep from his Royal Highness when enjoying rank without power, it would now be the greatest injury and injustice to suppress, With a good head, a good heart, and good intentions, what may not a king of England do, if those around him will give him the opportunity, of which, even the luxurious and arbitrary monarchs of the east are jealous; that of knowing the wants and wishes of their subjects, communicated by petition.

EARL OF MALMSBURY.

ONE of the ablest of the old corps diplomatique, and a man whose knowledge might still be of great

use.

The diplomacy of Europe has changed its nature twice within the last twenty-five years: it then all address, finesse, and secret manœuvre. The game played was to deceive, in a genteel manner, a polished gentleman in like way. Dissimulation was allowed, but a word given must be kept. The French, who were the fathers of that ancient diplomacy, introduced a new mode; bold and open in appearance, but still more deceitful than that exploded, started up the diplomacy of the jacobin directory. Dissimulation was now thrown aside, and downright straight forward deception was practised; and the new code of honour adopted on the French side consisted in making the opponent believe, that what was false was true; what was serious was always treated as a matter of jest. This was the

way at the treaty of Amiens: but another mode was practised with still greater advantage; that was, to offer to negotiate, and to begin, if it was necessary, with a firm determination to do nothing.

All the courts of Europe, England included, have been deceived by this new mode of proceeding; for, as in fighting, nations went on in the old way, till at last they have been taught by experience, to adopt another mode of acting, which has taken place: so negotiations are now carried on more openly. The object is avowed, and it has been discovered, that treaties made when one party is overreached and deceived, are broken the first opportunity. The powers of Europe seem, therefore, to bę determined to act on a principle of a different sort, and to seek for permanent peace by arrangements founded on mutual interests, and not directed by private views, or governed by accident or intrigue,. and even sometimes by caprice, but never by a regular plan or system, such as might give permanent protection to the weak against the strong.

It is evident that no man could co-operate better in the execution of this new plan, than an ambassador of the old school, though perhaps it may be better to consult such a one privately, than to