At length, after many delays, this Council examined the pretensions of the Princesses of Saxe Lawenburg, and those of Sweden, which made some also; and both were found to be without any right, and rejected. And then, when every one expected that in consequence thereof the investiture of this country would be given to the late King, the Count de Wurmbrand maintained in the Aulic Council, that the fief did not belong to the late King, but was escheated, and by consequence devolved to the Emperor. This notion caused great debates in the Aulic Council. But the proposition of the Count de Wurmbrand, in all probability underhand supported by the Court, carried it by the plurality of votes, referring it nevertheless to the Emperor, and laying before him the reasons of both opinions. Since which nothing publicly had been done thereon, so that it is in the power of the Emperor to do justice to the present King, and to give him possession of this country of Hadelen.

In a letter from Mr Walpole and Lord Waldgrave from Paris to the Duke of Newcastle, dated 30th of March, N. S. 1728, they tell him, that in order to execute his Majesty's commands contained in his Grace's and Lord Townshend's letters of the 11th inst. O. S., to each of them respectively, they waited on the Cardinal that morning at Versailles; and having thoroughly considered the point upon which they were to endeavour to learn his Eminence's sentiments, and the manner of doing it, they thought it most prudent, instead of communicating to him a French translation of Lord Townshend's letter, to make use of Lord Waldgrave's taking leave of him, on account of his setting out the Monday following for Vienna, to desire to know his thoughts upon some matters about which it was reasonable to expect that the Court of Vienna would sound him upon his arrival there. One of the points was about guaranteeing the Emperor's succession; another was the Emperor's design of uniting the Duchies of Milan and Mantua, and making them a feminine fief to be annexed to the Empire.

The next point was, whether such interests and pretensions as were only collateral, particularly those of the North and the Germanic body, should or should not be considered at the Congress. The Cardinal seemed to be of opinion that these matters should be postponed, and considered or not as circumstances might require, after things of more immediate concern should have been debated and settled; though he thinks that the affair of the North, and particularly that of Sleswick, is an object of the preliminaries by virtue of an article in them. Lastly, they mentioned to his Eminence the injustice done to his Majesty by the sequestration of the country of Hadelen, and the refusal of the investiture of Bremen and Verden, letting his Eminence know that his Majesty would never make any separate addresses to the Imperial Court for his undoubted rights in these points, being persuaded that France would be equally steady

in their engagement to him. His Eminence said that he was convinced that the Emperor detained these things without doing his Majesty justice, in the hope of obtaining some particular advantage from it, and therefore he was very sensible of this mark of his Majesty's steadiness and union, and that he might depend at all times upon a suitable return from their Court.

May 19th.-At Lord Townshend's; met himself, the Duke of Devonshire, Lord Trevor, Duke of Newcastle, and Sir R. Walpole; about renewing the treaties with Holland; the Dutch usually renewing all their treaties with us on the accession of a new King; this was only a renewing of the old treaties with an explanation about rehearing of causes of no great significancy; and the 27th following, these treaties were signed by us six on the part of England, and by the Count Welderen and Sylvius on the part of Holland. 28th May, the Parliament was prorogued to the 8th of August following.

Monday, November.-A letter came from Fontainbleau, dated 8th, N. S., from Messrs Stanhope and Walpole, informing us that Count Zinzendorf, on the arrival of a courier from Vienna, was much altered as to his countenance and disposition, and that it appeared to be his orders not to sign without the concurrence of Spain, and that it appeared that he had many personal enemies at Vienna, and he intended to return to Vienna as soon as he had a courier from Madrid, to know how the Duke of Bournonville was there received; and that he would go to Vienna before the Duke of Bournonville returned to Soissons, and hoped by his presence to set things right again.

This seems to put a stop to the affairs of the peace; thereupon the Duke of Newcastle sent a letter, dated November 6th, O. S., to Mr Stanhope and Mr Walpole, that in case nothing should come of the Duke of Bournonville's journey to Madrid, from which little good could be expected, they should forthwith communicate to the Cardinal his Majesty's sentiments thereon, in order to be prepared for the worst, and to be determined amongst ourselves what to do in such an emergency which is likely to fall out.

As the notion of a provisional treaty arose from the Court of Vienna, the reason of it was apprehended to be, that if the Congress went on, the several grievances of the empire, the affair of the marriages, and many other points would be brought before them, contrary to the Emperor's inclination, and therefore his Majesty thought that one way of terrifying the Imperial Court would be, to let them see that if the Congress should be resumed, these points would infallibly come into debate, and the Allies must have justice done on them. But the chief point that the King thinks is to be pressed is, that the Allies of Hanover should, upon the refusal of the Emperor and Spain, take a resolution generally, which should be

communicated both to the Imperial Court and to that of Spain, whereby the Allies should declare, that in case the Emperor and Spain will not come into the provisional treaty, as last adjusted by Count Zinzendorf with the English, French, and Spanish Ministers, and promised to be generally supported by them all, that then within a time certain, for example, two months, the Allies will then break off all negotiations, and take the proper measures to obtain such satisfaction and redress upon their several grievances, and to procure for themselves that justice which they could not obtain by the way of treaty and negotiation: this his Majesty looking upon to be the only means left for bringing these two powers to a compliance. As the declaration, in the King's opinion, would be a right measure with regard to the Emperor and Spain, his Majesty does also look upon it to be what his Allies cannot refuse to come into. The Cardinal will consider that the King is just upon opening the session of Parliament, and had the greatest reason to hope that the negotiation would by this time have been finished to his own and his Allies' satisfaction; while, on the contrary, matters seem now to be further from a settlement than ever, the Emperor gone back from what his own Minister proposed, and Spain more intractable than it had ever been; and if his Majesty cannot have the satisfaction to show his Parliament that his Allies are still firm and steady to him, and that if an end of our present difficulties cannot be brought about one way, it will another; which will be one good effect of the proposed declaration. The Cardinal will much reflect what will then be the notion here of France, and of the manner of that Crown's supporting its engagements, especially when it cannot be denied that if the French Court had showed the vigour they ought to have done, all this must have been over several months ago, and his Majesty doth not conceive that the Cardinal in justice or friendship can refuse this, or that in act or policy he should be inclined to do so.

March 19th, 1728-9.-Lord Townshend sent me some letters from Lord Chesterfield, Ambassador in Holland, to Lord Townshend, and his answers; the first was a private letter from the Hague, from Lord Chesterfield to Lord Townshend, dated 15th March, 1729; wherein he wrote that he had been yesterday with the Pensionary, to know if he had any positive answer to give upon the subject of a very private letter of the 20th of February, O. S., of Lord Townshend's, and that the answer he gave was, that he had consulted with the Greffier, and with some few others of his friends, upon the proposition of concerting a plan with England, to oblige the Emperor and Spain to come into measures, and to excite and press France to join in that design, but that he found it was impossible for him to propose it here; that they were so sensible of their own weakness, so persuaded of the inactivity of France, and

so apprehensive of engaging in measures that may by any accident bring on a war, that he was sure such a proposal would be instantly rejected, and with a good share of indignation upon himself for having done it. That the only possible way of bringing it about, was for England and France to join in pressing the Republic to come into such measures, in which case, he believed, they neither could or would refuse, but to act separately with England alone he was sure they would never do it.

The Earl of Chesterfield proceeds further in his letter to give an account of the arguments that he made use of with the Pensionary to induce him to enter into the concerting of the said plan with England, but it was all without success. For the Pensionary told him that he was as much convinced of the truth of those reasonings as Lord Chesterfield could be himself, and as desirous to bring the Republic into vigorous measures if possible; but that the weakness of the government, the private interest of some, and the reasonable fears of others, made it impossible to carry it through, and consequently imprudent to attempt it. That besides, the stay that the Prince of Orange had made at the Hague, though but short, had given so great an alarm, and caused so much uneasiness amongst the anti-Stadtholder party, that they could think of nothing else, and they would apprehend that a war would facilitate the designs of that Prince.

The Earl of Chesterfield says further in that letter, that it is impossible to describe the miserable situation of the Republic. The disputes between province and province engross both the thoughts and the time of the States-General, as the disputes between town and town wholly employ the states of each particular province. Private interest or resentment is to be gratified at the expense of the whole. Present and imminent dangers are neglected for the fear of those remote and chimerical; and I may venture to say with justice of this government, that the utter ignorance of some, the notorious depravity of many, and the private view of all, render this Republic at present a most contemptible enemy, and a most insignificant ally.

Of the same date with the former letter, the Earl of Chesterfield sent another very secret letter to Lord Townshend, that having mentioned in his private letter something the Pensionary said to him concerning the Prince of Orange, he would in this give him a more particular account of what passed between him and the Pensionary on that subject, viz.—that the Pensionary having recapitulated everything that had happened during that Prince's stay at the Hague, said that everybody looked upon his coming there as a forerunner of his match with the Princess Royal, and upon that match as a sure forerunner of the Stadhouderat; that this persuasion gave the utmost uneasiness there, and unless removed, might

be attended at the time with very ill consequences, and that he wished some declaration could be made, or something done on the part of England to quiet their fears. That he was informed the Prince of Orange was to return here in May at the time of the Kermes, and when the troops were to be exercised, and the militia under arms. That this would give a general alarm, and might have a very ill effect with regard to England at the time, and therefore desired that his return might be prevented. The Pensionary, in further talking about the affairs of the Stadtholder, said that when he was made Pensionary, he was asked whether he would be for preserving the present form of government? That he had promised he would, and though he plainly said now that sooner or later a Stadtholder would come, that yet he would not betray his trust as a minister, but when that should happen, “il quitteroit la partie," and retire.

The Earl of Chesterfield afterwards goes on in the said letter, and writes that the Prince of Orange's presence at the Hague had had a much better effect than either his friends could have expected, or his enemies apprehended. The people followed him wherever he went, crying out, Long live our Stadtholder! and uttering bitter invectives against the present government; so that with a very little trouble a tumult might have been raised equal to that in 1672. His levee was crowded with officers of all ranks, who openly declared themselves for him; and even those who talked the loudest against him before his arrival, and declared they would not go near him, seeing the fury of the people in his favour, thought it prudent at last to wait upon him, though with an ill grace. The great point then to be considered, and by which that Prince, I think, is to direct his conduct, is, whether his Majesty intends to bestow the Princess Royal on him or not: and when? If his Majesty should think fit to make that match this summer, I think it is absolutely necessary he should return to this place at the time I mentioned before, viz. May next at the Kermes, both upon account of the main view of the Stadhouderat, and upon account of his admission into the council of state in September, which is a very important point, and a leading card to the other. For as I am persuaded the Pensionary and the Greffier can never be brought to approve that match, whenever it shall be made, the scabbard is thrown away, and the main object must be pushed with vigour, and I doubt not with success. On the other hand it is certain that the match, the return of the Prince, and his admission to the council of state, will cause very great disorders here, both parties being now animated in the highest degree, so that it is to be considered how far the present situation of public affairs makes it advisable or not to venture those disorders that will inevitably happen. Upon the whole, I am persuaded the Prince is not likely to be Stadtholder by fair means, the power and profit of that